The spring festival
Good afternoon everyone.I’m Wu Yunfei .Today ,I’ll talk about the topic about spring festival .
The Spring festival ,Chinese New Year,is the most important festival for all us. But we find the western festival become more popular than New Year in the recently years. some people wonder whether the Christmas will replace the Spring Festival in the future.we can find easily Christmas cards become popular with students.Meanwhile the Spring Festival is less appealing to youngsters.Then this worry is fairly unnecessary .Why?Do we should treasure the Spring Festival forever?
In my opinion ,the Spring Festival as the most influential traditional festival have important meaning for us .Several days before the new year， people begin to prepare. Farmers kill pigs，sheep，cocks and hens. City dwellers buy meat fish and vegetables. Houses are cleaned； coupletsare (春联)posted on the doors. Colorful lanterns are hung at the gate.All family members will get together on New Year Eve to have a big meal . During which people do not work except for the workers on duty. Students do not go to school,and shops are closed. At the same time ,everyone celebrates to each other . When people meet on the way， they say to each other "Happy New Year"..At about 12 o'clock，some parents and children light crackers.The whole sky is lighted brightly. We may watch the fireworks excitedly. How busy it is！ On the first early
morning of one year，Friends and relatives pay new year calls and gives presents to each other. At that time，children are the happiest because they can get many red packets form their parents，grandparents,uncles,aunts and so on.
(综上所述) :I think，it is natural that with increasing exchanges with the West，a lot of Western holidays have been gradually introduced into China. For us Chinese we should never neglect or even discard our own traditional festivals. For centuries Chinese have observed this traditional holiday to welcome the beginning of a new year. And we will treasure the Spring Festival forever.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you,
General Caslen, for that introduction. General Trainor, General Clarke, faculty and staff at West Point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army.
I’d like to acknowledge the Army’s leadership -- General McHugh -- Secretary McHugh, General Odierno, as well as Senator Jack Reed who is here and a proud graduate of West Point himself. To the class of 2014, I congratulate you on taking your place on the Long Gray Line.
Among you is the first all-female command team: Erin Mauldin and Austen Boroff. In Calla Glavin, you have a Rhodes Scholar, and Josh Herbeck proves that West Point accuracy extends beyond the three point line. (Laughter.)
在你们当中，有美国首支女子指挥团队，包括艾琳-墨登和奥斯丁-波洛夫。卡拉-格莱文展现了一位罗兹学者的风采，而乔希-赫贝克则证明了西点的精准度远在三分线之外。（笑声） To the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at West Point, as commander in chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses. (Laughter, applause.)
Let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when I was in school.
I know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families. Joe DeMoss, whose son James is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made. “Deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country.” Like several graduates, James is a combat veteran, and I would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as their families. (Applause.)
It is a particularly useful time for America to reflect on those who’ve sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after Memorial Day. You are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in Iraq or Afghanistan. (Cheers, applause.)
When I first spoke at West Point in 2009, we still had more than 100,000 troops in Iraq. We were preparing to surge in Afghanistan. Our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al-Qaida’s core leadership -- those who had carried out the 9/11
attacks. And our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.
Four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed. We have removed our troops from Iraq. We are winding down our war in Afghanistan.
Al-Qaida’s leadership on the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been decimated, and Osama bin Laden is no more. (Cheers, applause.) And through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of American strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for
everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home.
In fact, by most measures America has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world. Those who argue otherwise -- who suggest that America is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away -- are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics.
Think about it. Our military has no peer. The odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low, and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the Cold War. Meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on Earth, our businesses the most innovative. Each year, we grow more energy independent. From Europe to Asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations.
America continues to attract striving immigrants. The values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe. And when a typhoon hits the Philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in Nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in Ukraine, it is America that the world looks to for help. (Applause.) So the United States is and remains the one
indispensable nation. That has been true for the century past, and it will be true for
the century to come.
But the world is changing with accelerating speed. This presents opportunity, but also new dangers. We know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm.
Russia’s aggression towards former Soviet states unnerves capitals in Europe while China’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors.
From Brazil to India, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums. And even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts, failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago. 从巴西到印度，新兴中产阶级在与我们展开竞争，此外，各国谋求在国际事务中争取更多话
It will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world. The question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether America will lead but how we will lead, not just to secure our peace and prosperity but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe.
如何能在新形势下有所作为的重担就要落在你们这一代的肩上了。摆在我们面前的问题，不是美国是否处在领导地位，而是她将如何引领各国；不只是美国能否实现繁荣发展，而是她如何能在全球范围内“播撒”和平与繁荣的“种子”，而这也是你们将来要面对的问题。 Now, this question isn’t new. At least since George Washington served as commander in chief, there have been those who warned against foreign
entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic well-being. 这个问题并非新鲜。至少，自乔治-华盛顿就任总司令——即美国爆发独立战争以来，就存在一些警告的声音，表示反对美国卷入与本国国家安全或经济福祉无直接关联的外部纷争之中。
Today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in Syria or Ukraine or the Central African Republic are not ours to solve. And not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many Americans.
A different view, from interventionists from the left and right, says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril, that America’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and America’s failure to act in the face of Syrian brutality or Russian provocations not only violates our conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future.
然而，干涉主义者对此持不同观点。他们认为，无视这些冲突最终会危及我们自身，美国在全球充当“世界警察”角色的意愿能 够最彻底地保卫世界安全，使其免于陷入混乱。而若美国对叙利亚的暴乱或俄罗斯的挑衅撒手不管、无所作为的话，那么这不仅违背我们的良心，也会使得这些行径 在未来愈演愈烈。
And each side can point to history to support its claims, but I believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. It is absolutely true that in the 21st century, American isolationism is not an option. We don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders. If nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger to American citizens.
As the Syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacity of battle-hardened
extremist groups to come after us only increases. Regional aggression that goes unchecked, whether in southern Ukraine or the South China Sea or anywhere else
in the world, will ultimately impact our allies, and could draw in our military. We can’t ignore what happens beyond our boundaries.
随着叙利亚内战战火跨越边境，受战争洗礼的极端组织攻击美国的能力也在增强。地区冲突接踵而至，无论是在乌克兰南部地区、南海亦或是世界其他地方，如果我们对此坐视不管，最终这将危及美国盟友的利益，美军也会卷入其中。因此，我们必须时刻关注外界事态。 And beyond these narrow rationales, I believe we have a real stake -- abiding self-interest -- in making sure our children and our grandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped; where individuals aren’t slaughtered because of tribe or faith or political belief.
I believe that a world of greater freedom and tolerance is not only a moral imperative; it also helps keep us safe.
But to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace and freedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a military solution. Since World War II, some of our most costly mistakes came not from our restraint but from our willingness to rush into military adventures without thinking through the
consequences, without building international support and legitimacy for our action, without leveling with the American people about the sacrifices required. Tough talk
often draws headlines, but war rarely conforms to slogans. As General Eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on this subject, said at this ceremony in 1947, “War is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men.”
Like Eisenhower, this generation of men and women in uniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you here at West Point. Four of the service members who stood in the audience when I announced the surge of our forces in Afghanistan gave their lives in that effort. A lot more were wounded. 与他一样，这一代的军人——无论男女，都对战争理解深刻。这其中也包括了你们西点毕业生。在我宣布增兵阿富汗时，听众当中的4名服役人员后来就在那里壮烈牺牲。此外，还有许多西点士兵受伤。
I believe America’s security demanded those deployments. But I am haunted by those deaths. I am haunted by those wounds. And I would betray my duty to you, and to the country we love, if I sent you into harm’s way simply because I saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because I was worried
about critics who think military intervention is the only way for America to avoid looking weak.
Here’s my bottom line: America must always lead on the world stage. If we don’t, no one else will. The military that you have joined is, and always will be, the
backbone of that leadership. But U.S. military action cannot be the only -- or even primary -- component of our leadership in every instance. Just because we have the best hammer does not mean that every problem is a nail.
我的底线是：美国必须在世界范围保持领导力。如果我们不能，没人能。你们所加入的美军，永远都是美国领导世界的中坚力量。但是美国的军事行动不是我们展现领导力的唯一方式，更不是主要部分。因为虽然我们有最好的锤子(美军)，但并不意味着每个问题都是钉子。 And because the costs associated with military action are so high, you should
expect every civilian leader -- and especially your commander in chief -- to be clear about how that awesome power should be used. So let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the United States of America, and our military, should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of that leadership.
First, let me repeat a principle I put forward at the outset of my presidency: The United States will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core
interests demand it -- when our people are threatened; when our livelihoods are at stake; when the security of our allies is in danger.
In these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions areproportional and effective and just. International opinion matters, but America should never ask permission to protect our people, our homeland or our way of life. (Applause.)
On the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the United States, when such issues are at stake, when crises arise that stir our
conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us, then the threshold for military action must be higher. In such
circumstances, we should not go it alone. Instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. We have to broaden our tools to include
diplomacy and development, sanctions and isolation, appeals to international law, and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. In such
circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes.
另一方面，当引起世界关注但没有直接威胁到美国利益的危机产生时，当这些问题亟待解决时，当能触动我们的良心或推动世界向更危险的方向发展但不对美国构成直接威胁的危机出现时，我们更不能轻易采取军事行动。在这种情况下，我们不应该单打独斗。相反，我们必须动员盟友和合作伙伴采取集体行动。我们应该广泛使用各种手段，包括外交和发展、制裁和孤立、诉诸于国际法，甚至在必要情况下采取多边军事行动。在这些情况下，我们必须与其他国家合作，因为集体行动更容易成功，持续性强，还可以减少代价惨痛的错误。” This leads to my second point. For the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to America, at home and abroad, remains terrorism, but a strategy that involves
invading every country that harbors terrorist networks is naive and unsustainable. I believe we must shift our counterterrorism strategy, drawing on the successes and shortcomings of our experience in Iraq and Afghanistan, to more effectively partner with countries where terrorist networks seek a foothold.
And the need for a new strategy reflects the fact that today’s principal threat no longer comes from a centralized al-Qaida leadership. Instead it comes from
decentralized al-Qaida affiliates and extremists, many with agendas focused in the
countries where they operate. And this lessens the possibility of large-scale 9/11-style attacks against the homeland, but it heightens the danger of U.S.
personnel overseas being attacked, as we saw in Benghazi. It heightens the danger to less defensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in Nairobi. So we have to develop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat, one that expands our reach without sending forces that stretch our military too thin or stir up local resentments. 并且，对新战略的需求反映出一个事实：今天我们主要的威胁不再是来自于基地组织的集中领导，而是来自分散的 “基地”组织分支机构和极端分子，其中很多都在他们从事活动的国家内进行活动。虽然这种情况降低了美国本土遭受大规模911式袭击的可能性，但是就像我们 在班加西（Benghazi）看到的那样，这会增加美国海外人员遇险的可能性。就像我们在内罗毕（Nairobi）购物商场看到的那样，这还会增加防备薄 弱目标遇险的可能性。因此，我们需要制定战略应对这种传播式的威胁，这一战略必须能够在不派遣军队、避免战线过长、避免引发当地不满情绪的前提下扩大我们 的影响力。
We need partners to fight terrorists alongside us. And empowering partners is a large part of what we have done and what we are currently doing in Afghanistan. Together with our allies, America struck huge blows against al-Qaida core and pushed back against an insurgency that threatened to overrun the country.
But sustaining this progress depends on the ability of Afghans to do the job. And that’s why we trained hundreds of thousands of Afghan soldiers and police. Earlier
this spring, those forces -- those Afghan forces -- secured an election in which
Afghans voted for the first democratic transfer of power in their history. And at the end of this year, a new Afghan president will be in office, and America’s combat mission will be over.
Now -- (applause) -- that was an enormous achievement made because of America’s armed forces. But as we move to a train and advise mission in Afghanistan, our reduced presence there allows us to more effectively address emerging threats in the Middle East and North Africa. So earlier this year I asked my national security team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from South Asia to the Sahel. 现在——(掌声)——这就是美军取得的巨大成就。但是当我们在阿富汗的使命转向训练和顾问时，我们减少驻军以后可以更有效地应对中东和北非新出现的威胁。因此在今年早些时候，我让国家安全事务部门就南亚和萨赫勒地区的合作伙伴关系网制定了一个计划。
Today, as part of this effort, I am calling on Congress to support a new
counterterrorism partnerships fund of up to $5 billion, which will allow us to train, build capacity and facilitate partner countries on the front lines. And these resources will give us flexibility to fulfill different missions, including training security forces in Yemen who’ve gone on the offensive against al-Qaida, supporting a multinational force to keep the peace in Somalia, working with
European allies to train a functioning security force and border patrol in Libya and
facilitating French operations in Mali.
A critical focus of this effort will be the ongoing crisis in Syria. As frustrating as it is, there are no easy answers there, no military solution that can eliminate the terrible suffering anytime soon. As president, I made a decision that we should not put American troops into the middle of this increasingly sectarian civil war, and I
believe that is the right decision. But that does not mean we shouldn’t help the Syrian people stand up against a dictator who bombs and starves his own people. And in helping those who fight for the right of all Syrians to choose their own future, we are also pushing back against the growing number of extremists who find safe haven in the chaos.
So with the additional resources I’m announcing today, we will step up our efforts to support Syria’s neighbors -- Jordan and Lebanon, Turkey and Iraq -- as they
contend with refugees and confront terrorists working across Syria’s borders. I will work with Congress to ramp up support for those in the Syrian opposition who offer the best alternative to terrorists and brutal dictators. And we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies in Europe and the Arab World to push for a political resolution of this crisis and to make sure that those countries and not just the United States are contributing their fair share of support to the Syrian people. 有了今天我所宣布的资金，我们将会加大力度，支持约旦、黎巴嫩、土耳其、伊拉克这些叙利亚的邻国。因为他们得处理叙利亚边境的难民、并打击叙边境的恐怖活动。我将与国会一起，加大对叙利亚反对派的支持。他们是替代恐怖分子和残忍的独裁者管理叙利亚最好的选择。我们会继续与我们的朋友、欧洲盟友和阿拉伯世界一起合作，推进叙利亚危机的政治解决途径，以保证在支持叙利亚人民的努力中，并非仅有美国在做出努力，其他这些国家也都参与其中。
Let me make one final point about our efforts against terrorism. The partnerships I’ve described do not eliminate the need to take direct action when necessary to protect ourselves. When we have actionable intelligence, that’s what we do, through capture operations, like the one that brought a terrorist involved in the plot to bomb our embassies in 1998 to face justice, or drone strikes, like those we’ve carried out in Yemen and Somalia.
There are times when those actions are necessary and we cannot hesitate to
protect our people. But as I said last year, in taking direct action, we must uphold standards that reflect our values. That means taking strikes only when we face a continuing, imminent threat, and only where there is no certainty -- there is near certainty of no civilian casualties, for our actions should meet a simple test: We must not create more enemies than we take off the battlefield.
有时我们必须马上采取行动，因为我们在保护国民方面决不能有半点犹豫。但就像我去年说的，采取直接行动时，我们也要坚守我们的价值观。这就意味着只有我们面临持续的或是眼前的威胁才会进行打击。在没有把握的时候，即便我们几乎能避免平民伤亡，我们的行动也必须达到一个简单的标准，那就是我们不能为了在战场上击毙敌人而树立更多的敌人。 I also believe we must be more transparent about both the basis of our
counterterrorism actions and the manner in which they are carried out. We have to be able to explain them publicly, whether it is drone strikes or training partners. I will increasingly turn to our military to take the lead and provide information to the public about our efforts. Our intelligence community has done outstanding work and we have to continue to protect sources and methods, but when we cannot explain our efforts clearly and publicly, we face terrorist propaganda and
international suspicion, we erode legitimacy with our partners and our people, and we reduce accountability in our own government.
取途径。但 如果我们不能清楚、公开地解释我们的行动，我们就会面对恐怖分子的大肆宣传和国际社会的质疑，就会在我们伙伴国和人民面前失去合法性，就会失去我们政府的 信誉。
And this issue of transparency is directly relevant to a third aspect of American leadership, and that is our effort to strengthen and enforce international order. 公开透明直接与美国领导地位的第三个方面相关，也就是我们强化国际秩序的努力。
After World War II, America had the wisdom to shape institutions to keep the peace and support human progress -- from NATO and the United Nations, to the World Bank and IMF. These institutions are not perfect, but they have been a force multiplier. They reduce the need for unilateral American action and increase restraint among other nations.
Now, just as the world has changed, this architecture must change as well. At the height of the Cold War, President Kennedy spoke about the need for a peace based upon a gradual evolution in human institutions. And evolving these international institutions to meet the demands of today must be a critical part of American leadership.
Now, there are a lot of folks, a lot of skeptics who often downplay the effectiveness of multilateral action. For them, working through international institutions, like the U.N. or respecting international law, is a sign of weakness. I think they’re wrong. Let me offer just two examples why.
In Ukraine, Russia’s recent actions recall the days when Soviet tanks rolled into Eastern Europe. But this isn’t the Cold War. Our ability to shape world opinion helped isolate Russia right away. Because of American leadership, the world immediately condemned Russian actions, Europe and the G-7 joined with us to impose sanctions, NATO reinforced our commitment to Eastern European allies, the IMF is helping to stabilize Ukraine’s economy, OSCE monitors brought the eyes of the world to unstable parts of Ukraine.
And this mobilization of world opinion and international institutions served as a counterweight to Russian propaganda and Russian troops on the border and armed militias in ski masks.
This weekend, Ukrainians voted by the millions. Yesterday, I spoke to their next president. We don’t know how the situation will play out, and there will remain grave challenges ahead, but standing with our allies on behalf of international order, working with international institutions, has given a chance for the Ukrainian people to choose their future -- without us firing a shot.
Similarly, despite frequent warnings from the United States and Israel and others, the Iranian nuclear program steadily advanced for years. But at the beginning of my presidency, we built a coalition that imposed sanctions on the Iranian economy, while extending the hand of diplomacy to the Iranian government. And now we have an opportunity to resolve our differences peacefully. The odds of success are still long, and we reserve all options to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear
weapon. But for the first time in a decade, we have a very real chance of achieving a breakthrough agreement, one that is more effective and durable than what we could have achieved through the use of force. And throughout these negotiations, it has been our willingness to work through multilateral channels that kept the world on our side.
The point is, this is American leadership. This is American strength.
In each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specific challenge. Now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that can anticipate and prevent problems from spreading.
For example, NATO is the strongest alliance the world has ever known but we’re now working with NATO allies to meet new missions both within Europe, where our eastern allies must be reassured, but also beyond Europe’s borders, where our NATO allies must pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states and train a network of partners.
比如，众所周知，北大西洋公约组织是世界上最强大的联盟之一，但是我们现在同它进行合作，以应对其在欧洲内部和其他 地区的新任务。在欧洲内部，我们的东部盟国必须获得保护。而在其他地区，我们北大西洋公约组织的盟国也必须有效地进行反恐活动，帮助失利的国家并培养我们 的伙伴国。
Likewise, the U.N. provides a platform to keep the peace in states torn apart by conflict. Now, we need to make sure that those nations who provide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peace so that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in Congo and Sudan. We are going to deepen our investment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions because having other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the need for us to put our own troops in harm’s way. It’s a smart investment. It’s the right way to lead. (Applause.)
同样地，联合国提供了一个平台，以维护那些因冲突而分裂的国家的和平。现在，我们需要确保那些提供了维和人员的 国家已接受了训练，配齐了装备，能够真正维护和平，这样我们就能防止我们在刚果和苏丹看到的那种杀戮。我们会加大对这些支持维和行动国家的投资。因为令其 他国家用自己的力量维持自己地盘的秩序，可以减少我们使用武力造成伤害的必要性。这是智慧的投资。这也是我们正确的领导之路。（掌声雷动）
Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict. We have a serious problem with cyberattacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure our networks and our citizens. In the Asia Pacific, we’re supporting Southeast Asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct with China on maritime disputes in the South China Sea, and we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law.
That spirit of cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change, a creeping national security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugee flows and natural disasters, and conflicts over water and food, which is why, next year, I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together a global framework to preserve our planet.
You see, American influence is always stronger when we lead by example. We
cannot exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everyone else. We can’t call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it is taking place. We can’t try to resolve problems in the South China Sea when we have refused to make sure that the Law of the Sea Convention is ratified by the United States Senate, despite the fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security. That’s not leadership. That’s retreat. That’s not strength; that’s weakness. It would be utterly foreign to leaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy.
的国家安全，但 如果我们无法确保美国参议院通过该公约，我们也就无法解决中国南海问题。这都不是领导，是退缩；不是强大，是软弱。这与罗斯福，杜鲁门，艾森豪威尔，肯尼 迪等领导人的风格截然相反。
I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being. But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions.(Applause.)
And that’s why I will continue to push to close Gitmo, because American values and legal traditions do not permit the indefinite detention of people beyond our borders. (Applause.) That’s why we’re putting in place new restrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence -- because we will have fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance
against ordinary citizens. (Applause.) America does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, no matter what the cost; we stand for the more lasting
peace that can only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere -- which brings me to the fourth and final element of American leadership: our willingness to act on behalf of human dignity.
America’s support for democracy and human rights goes beyond idealism; it is a matter of national security. Democracies are our closest friends and are far less likely to go to war. Economies based on free and open markets perform better and become markets for our goods. Respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and the grievances that fuel violence and terror.
A new century has brought no end to tyranny. In capitals around the globe -- including, unfortunately, some of America’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. The cancer of corruption has enriched too many
governments and their cronies and enraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares.
And watching these trends, or the violent upheavals in parts of the Arab world, it’s easy to be cynical. But remember that because of America’s efforts -- because of American diplomacy and foreign assistance, as well as the sacrifices of our military
-- more people live under elected governments today than at any time in human history. Technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist can control. New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. And even the upheaval of the Arab world reflects the rejection of an authoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of more responsive and effective governance.
In countries like Egypt, we acknowledge that our relationship is anchored in security interests, from peace treaties to Israel to shared efforts against violent extremism. So we have not cut off cooperation with the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reforms that the Egyptian people have demanded. 在埃及这样的国家，我们承认从和平条约到与以色列共同对抗暴力极端主义等安全利益方面，我们的关系停滞不前。我们没有切断与埃及新政府的往来合作，但我们有能力，也会坚持推进埃及人民要求的各项改革措施。
And meanwhile, look at a country like Myanmar, which only a few years ago was an intractable dictatorship and hostile to the United States. Forty million people. Thanks to the enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we
took the diplomatic initiative, American leadership, we have seen political reforms opening a once- closed society; a movement by Myanmar leadership away from partnership with North Korea in favor of engagement with America and our allies. 同时，再看看缅甸，仅仅几年前还是顽固独裁之地，还对美国持敌对态度。多亏四千万缅甸人的巨大勇气，多亏美国主动开启的外交之旅，多亏美国领导力量的共同作用，我们看到了可喜的政治变革，看到了一个曾经闭关的社会重新开放；缅甸领导人避与朝鲜合作，为的是实现与美国及美国同盟更好的交流往来。
We’re now supporting reform and badly needed national reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and, at times, public criticism. And progress there could be reversed, but if Myanmar succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot -- American leadership.
In each of these cases, we should not expect change to happen overnight. That’s why we form alliances -- not only with governments, but also with ordinary people. For unlike other nations, America is not afraid of individual empowerment. We are strengthened by it. We’re strengthened by civil society. We’re strengthened by a free press. We’re strengthened by striving entrepreneurs and small businesses. We’re strengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people and women and girls. That’s who we are. That’s what we represent. (Applause.)
I saw that through a trip to Africa last year, where American assistance has made possible the prospect of an AIDS-free generation, while helping Africans care themselves for their sick. We’re helping farmers get their products to market to feed populations once endangered by famine. We aim to double access to
electricity in sub- Saharan Africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy. And all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism and conflict.
Now, tragically, no American security operation can eradicate the threat posed by an extremist group like Boko Haram -- the group that kidnapped those girls.
And that’s we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also on supporting Nigerian efforts to educate its youth. This should be one of the hard-earned lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, where our military became the
strongest advocate for diplomacy and development. They understood that foreign
assistance is not an afterthought -- something nice to do apart from our national defense, apart from our national security. It is part of what makes us strong.
我们要做的不仅是解救被困女童，还应支持尼日利亚发展青年教育事业。我们在伊拉克与阿富汗的宝贵经验表明美军已成为外交与发展最强劲的倡导者。战士们都明白对外援助并非事后诸葛亮，而是和国防及国土安全一样不可偏废的崇高事业。我们也因此变得强大。 Now, ultimately, global leadership requires us to see the world as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty. We have to be prepared for the worst, prepared for every contingency, but American leadership also requires us to see the world as it should be -- a place where the aspirations of individual human beings really matters,
where hopes and not just fears govern; where the truths written into our founding documents can steer the currents of history in the direction of justice. And we cannot do that without you.
Class of 2014, you have taken this time to prepare on the quiet banks of the Hudson. You leave this place to carry forward a legacy that no other military in human history can claim. You do so as part of a team that extends beyond your units or even our Armed Forces, for in the course of your service, you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts.
You’ll get to know allies and train partners. And you will embody what it means for America to lead the world.
你们将结识盟友，培养搭档，用你们的实际行动告诉世界对美国来说领导世界意味着什么。 Next week I will go to Normandy to honor the men who stormed the beaches there. And while it’s hard for many Americans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those who boarded small ships, it’s familiar to you. At West Point, you define what it means to be a patriot.
Three years ago Gavin White graduated from this academy. He then served in Afghanistan. Like the soldiers who came before him, Gavin was in a foreign land, helping people he’d never met, putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of his community and his family and the folks back home. Gavin lost one of his legs in an attack. I met him last year at Walter Reed. He was wounded but just as determined as the day that he arrived here at West Point. And he developed a simple goal. Today his sister Morgan will graduate. And true to his promise, Gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her. (Cheers, applause.)
益不辞劳苦。加文在一次战斗中不幸失去一条腿。去年我在沃尔特-里德(Walter Reed)陆军医疗中心见过他。尽管负了伤，他仍然像刚进西点时一样，不忘初心，并且立下另一个志愿。 今天，他的妹妹摩根（Morgan）也将从这里毕业。加文终于能够兑现当初的承诺，和妹妹互敬军礼。
We have been through a long season of war. We have faced trials that were not foreseen and we’ve seen divisions about how to move forward. But there is
something in Gavin’s character, there is something in the American character, that will always triumph.
Leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellow citizens. You will
represent a nation with history and hope on our side. Your charge now is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right and just. As your commander in chief, I know you will. May God bless you. May God bless our men and women in uniform. And may God bless the United States of America. (Cheers, applause.)