释放你的创造力

比尔盖茨

I've been an optimist and I supposed that is rooted in my belief that the power of creativity and intelligence can make the world a better place.

For as long as I can remember, I've loved learning new things and solving problems. So when I sat down at a computer for the first time in seventh grade, I was hooked. It's was a clunky and teletype machine that barely do anything compared to the computer we have today. But it changed my life.

When my friend Paul Allen and I stared Microsoft 30 years ago, we had a vision of "a computer on every desk and in every home," which probably sounded a little too optimistic at a time when most computers were the size of refrigerators. But we believe that personal computer would change the world. And they have.

And after 30 years, I still inspired by computers as I was back in seventh grade.

我天生乐观，坚信人类凭创造力和聪明才智可以让世界日益美妙，这一设想一直根植于我的内心深处。

自从记事起，我就热衷于接触新事物、挑战难题。可想而知，我上七年级时第一次坐在计算机前是何等着迷，如入无我之境。那是一台锵锵作响的旧牌机器，和我们今天拥有的计算机相比，它相当逊色几乎一无所用，但正是它改变了我的生活。

30年前，我和朋友保罗·艾伦创办微软时，我们幻想实现"在每个家庭、在每张办公桌上都有一台计算机"，这在大多数的计算机体积如同冰箱的尺寸的年代，听起来有点异想天开。但是我们相信个人电脑将改变世界。今天看来果真如此。30年后，我仍然象上七年级的时候那样为计算机而狂热着迷。

I believe that computers are the most incredible tool we can use to feed our curiosity and inventiveness-to help us solve problems that even the smartest people couldn't solve on their own. Computer have transformed how we learn, giving kids everywhere a window into all of the world's knowledge. They're helping us build communicates around the things we care about and to stay close to the people who are important to us, no matter where they are.

Like my friend Warren Buffett, I feel particularly lucky to do something every day I love to do. He calls it "tap-dancing to work". My job at Microsoft is as challenging as ever, but what makes me "tap-dancing to the work" is when we show people something new, like a computer that can recognize your handwriting or your speech, or one that can store a lifetime's worth of photos, and the say: "I didn't know you can do that with a pc!"

But for all the cool things that a person can do with a pc, there are lots other ways we can put our creativity and intelligence to work to improve our world. There are still far too many people in the world whose most basic needs go unmet. Every year, for example, millions of people die from diseases that are easy to prevent or treat in the developed world.

我相信计算机是我们用来满足好奇心及发明创造的最神奇的工具--有了它们的帮助，甚至是最聪明的人凭自身力量无法应对的难题都将迎刃而解。计算机已经改变了我们的学习方式，为全球各地的孩子们开启了一扇通向大千世界知识的窗户。它可以帮我们围绕我们关注的事物建立"群"，让我们和那些对自己重要的人保持密切联系，不管他们身处何方。

就像我的朋友沃伦·布非一样，我为每天都能做自己热爱的事情而感到无比幸运。他称之为"踢踏舞工作"。我在微软的工作永远充满挑战，但使我一直坚持"踢踏舞工作"的是我们向人们展示某些新成果的那些时刻，当他们看到计算机能辨认笔迹、语音或者能存储值得

保留一辈子的照片时就会赞不绝口："我不敢相信个人电脑竟如此万能"。但是，除了能用电脑做出很酷的事情之外，我们还能通过许多别的方式在工作中发挥自己的创造力和聪明才智，以改善我们的世界。全球仍有许许多多的人连最基本的生存需求都未能解决。举例来说，每年仍有数以万计的人死于那些在发达国家易于预防和治疗的疾病。

I believe that my own good fortune brings with it a responsibility tp give back to the world. My wife, Melinda, and I have committed to improving health and education in a way that can help as many people as possible.

As a father, I believe that the death of a child in Africa is no less poignant. or tragic than the death of a child anywhere else. And that doesn't take much to make an immense difference in these children's lives.

我认为，我所拥有的大量财富也使我负有回馈社会的责任。我的妻子梅林达和我致力于为尽可能多的人改善健康和教育.

作为一个父亲，我认为，非洲孩子死去所引起的痛苦和悲伤丝毫不亚于任何其他的孩子的死亡;我认为，使这些孩子们的命运发生翻天地覆的变化并不费太大力气。

I'm still very optimist, and I believe that progress on even the world's toughest problems is possible-and it's happening every day. We're seeing new drugs for deadly diseases, new diagnostic tools, and new attention paid to the health problems in the developing world.

I'm excited by the possibilities I see for medicine, for education and, of course, for technology. And I believe that through our natural inventiveness , creativity and willingness to solve tough problems, we're going to make some amazing achievements in all these areas in my lifetime.

我仍是一个坚定的乐观主义者，我坚信即使世界级难题取得进展都是有可能的--其实每天也都在发生着这种事情。我们看到治疗致命疾病的新药、新的诊断器械不断出现，而且，发展中国家的健康问题进入了人们的视野并日益得到重视。

我为医药、教育，当然还有技术发展的诸多前景而欢欣鼓舞。我相信，凭借人类与生俱来的发明创造能力和不畏艰难、坚忍不拔的品格，在我的有生之年里我们将在所有这些领域都创造出可喜的成就。

Duty, Honor, Country

MacArthur

General Westmoreland, General Grove, distinguished guests, and gentlemen of the Corps! As I was leaving the hotel this morning, a doorman asked me, "Where are you bound for, General?" And when I replied, "West Point," he remarked, "Beautiful place. Have you ever been there before?"

No human being could fail to be deeply moved by such a tribute as this [Thayer Award]. Coming from a profession I have served so long, and a people I have loved so well, it fills me with an emotion I cannot express. But this award is not intended primarily to honor a personality, but to symbolize a great moral code -- the code of conduct and chivalry of those who guard this beloved land of culture and ancient descent. That is the animation of this medallion. For all eyes and for all time, it is an expression of the ethics of the American soldier. That I should be integrated in this way with so noble an ideal arouses a sense of pride and yet of humility which will be with me always: Duty, Honor, Country.

Those three hallowed words reverently dictate what you ought to be, what you can be, what you will be. They are your rallying points: to build courage when courage seems to fail; to regain faith when there seems to be little cause for faith; to create hope when hope becomes forlorn.

Unhappily, I possess neither that eloquence of diction, that poetry of imagination, nor that brilliance of metaphor to tell you all that they mean. The unbelievers will say they are but words, but a slogan, but a flamboyant phrase. Every pedant, every demagogue, every cynic, every hypocrite, every troublemaker, and I am sorry to say, some others of an entirely different character, will try to downgrade them even to the extent of mockery and ridicule.

But these are some of the things they do. They build your basic character. They mold you for your future roles as the custodians of the nation's defense. They make you strong enough to know when you are weak, and brave enough to face yourself when you are afraid. They teach you to be proud and unbending in honest failure, but humble and gentle in success; not to substitute words for actions, not to seek the path of comfort, but to face the stress and spur of difficulty and challenge; to learn to stand up in the storm but to have compassion on those who fall; to master yourself before you seek to master others; to have a heart that is clean, a goal that is high; to learn to laugh, yet never forget how to weep; to reach into the future yet never neglect the past; to be serious yet never to take yourself too seriously; to be modest so that you will remember the simplicity of true greatness, the open mind of true wisdom, the meekness of true strength. They give you a temper of the will, a quality of the imagination, a vigor of the emotions, a freshness of the deep springs of life, a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity, of an appetite for adventure over love of ease. They create in your heart the sense of wonder, the unfailing hope of what next, and the joy and inspiration of life. They teach you in this way to be an officer and a gentleman.

And what sort of soldiers are those you are to lead? Are they reliable? Are they brave? Are they capable of victory? Their story is known to all of you. It is the story of the American man-at-arms. My estimate of him was formed on the battlefield many, many years ago, and has never changed. I regarded him then as I regard him now -- as one of the world's noblest figures, not only as one of the finest military characters, but also as one of the most stainless. His name and fame are the birthright of every American citizen. In his youth and strength, his love and loyalty, he gave all that mortality can give.

He needs no eulogy from me or from any other man. He has written his own history and written it in red on his enemy's breast. But when I think of his patience under adversity, of his courage under fire, and of his modesty in victory, I am filled with an emotion of admiration I cannot put into words. He belongs to history as furnishing one of the greatest examples of successful patriotism. He belongs to posterity as the instructor of future generations in the principles of liberty and freedom. He belongs to the present, to us, by his virtues and by his achievements. In 20 campaigns, on a hundred battlefields, around a thousand campfires, I have witnessed that enduring fortitude, that patriotic self-abnegation, and that invincible determination which have carved his statue in the hearts of his people. From one end of the world to the other he

has drained deep the chalice of courage.

As I listened to those songs [of the glee club], in memory's eye I could see those staggering columns of the First World War, bending under soggy packs, on many a weary march from dripping dusk to drizzling dawn, slogging ankle-deep through the mire of shell-shocked roads, to form grimly for the attack, blue-lipped, covered with sludge and mud, chilled by the wind and rain, driving home to their objective, and for many, to the judgment seat of God.

I do not know the dignity of their birth, but I do know the glory of their death.

They died unquestioning, uncomplaining, with faith in their hearts, and on their lips the hope that we would go on to victory.

Always, for them: Duty, Honor, Country; always their blood and sweat and tears, as we sought the way and the light and the truth.

And 20 years after, on the other side of the globe, again the filth of murky foxholes, the stench of ghostly trenches, the slime of dripping dugouts; those boiling suns of relentless heat, those torrential rains of devastating storms; the loneliness and utter desolation of jungle trails; the bitterness of long separation from those they loved and cherished; the deadly pestilence of tropical disease; the horror of stricken areas of war; their resolute and determined defense, their swift and sure attack, their indomitable purpose, their complete and decisive victory -- always victory. Always through the bloody haze of their last reverberating shot, the vision of gaunt, ghastly men reverently following your password of: Duty, Honor, Country.

The code which those words perpetuate embraces the highest moral laws and will stand the test of any ethics or philosophies ever promulgated for the uplift of mankind. Its requirements are for the things that are right, and its restraints are from the things that are wrong.

The soldier, above all other men, is required to practice the greatest act of religious training -- sacrifice.

In battle and in the face of danger and death, he discloses those divine attributes which his Maker gave when he created man in his own image. No physical courage and no brute instinct can take the place of the Divine help which alone can sustain him.

However horrible the incidents of war may be, the soldier who is called upon to offer and to give his life for his country is the noblest development of mankind.

You now face a new world -- a world of change. The thrust into outer space of the satellite, spheres, and missiles mark the beginning of another epoch in the long story of mankind. In the five or more billions of years the scientists tell us it has taken to form the earth, in the three or more billion years of development of the human race, there has never been a more abrupt or staggering evolution. We deal now not with things of this world alone, but with the illimitable

distances and as yet unfathomed mysteries of the universe. We are reaching out for a new and boundless frontier.

We speak in strange terms: of harnessing the cosmic energy; of making winds and tides work for us; of creating unheard synthetic materials to supplement or even replace our old standard basics; to purify sea water for our drink; of mining ocean floors for new fields of wealth and food; of disease preventatives to expand life into the hundreds of years; of controlling the weather for a more equitable distribution of heat and cold, of rain and shine; of space ships to the moon; of the primary target in war, no longer limited to the armed forces of an enemy, but instead to include his civil populations; of ultimate conflict between a united human race and the sinister forces of some other planetary galaxy; of such dreams and fantasies as to make life the most exciting of all time.

And through all this welter of change and development, your mission remains fixed, determined, inviolable: it is to win our wars.

Everything else in your professional career is but corollary to this vital dedication. All other public purposes, all other public projects, all other public needs, great or small, will find others for their accomplishment. But you are the ones who are trained to fight. Yours is the profession of arms, the will to win, the sure knowledge that in war there is no substitute for victory; that if you lose, the nation will be destroyed; that the very obsession of your public service must be: Duty, Honor, Country.

Others will debate the controversial issues, national and international, which divide men's minds; but serene, calm, aloof, you stand as the Nation's war-guardian, as its lifeguard from the raging tides of international conflict, as its gladiator in the arena of battle. For a century and a half you have defended, guarded, and protected its hallowed traditions of liberty and freedom, of right and justice.

Let civilian voices argue the merits or demerits of our processes of government; whether our strength is being sapped by deficit financing, indulged in too long, by federal paternalism grown too mighty, by power groups grown too arrogant, by politics grown too corrupt, by crime grown too rampant, by morals grown too low, by taxes grown too high, by extremists grown too violent; whether our personal liberties are as thorough and complete as they should be. These great national problems are not for your professional participation or military solution. Your guidepost stands out like a ten-fold beacon in the night: Duty, Honor, Country.

You are the leaven which binds together the entire fabric of our national system of defense. From your ranks come the great captains who hold the nation's destiny in their hands the moment the war tocsin sounds. The Long Gray Line has never failed us. Were you to do so, a million ghosts in olive drab, in brown khaki, in blue and gray, would rise from their white crosses thundering those magic words: Duty, Honor, Country.

This does not mean that you are war mongers.

On the contrary, the soldier, above all other people, prays for peace, for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of war.

But always in our ears ring the ominous words of Plato, that wisest of all philosophers: "Only the dead have seen the end of war."

The shadows are lengthening for me. The twilight is here. My days of old have vanished, tone and tint. They have gone glimmering through the dreams of things that were. Their memory is one of wondrous beauty, watered by tears, and coaxed and caressed by the smiles of yesterday. I listen vainly, but with thirsty ears, for the witching melody of faint bugles blowing reveille, of far drums beating the long roll. In my dreams I hear again the crash of guns, the rattle of musketry, the strange, mournful mutter of the battlefield.

But in the evening of my memory, always I come back to West Point.

Always there echoes and re-echoes: Duty, Honor, Country.

Today marks my final roll call with you, but I want you to know that when I cross the river my last conscious thoughts will be of The Corps, and The Corps, and The Corps.

I bid you farewell.

今天早晨，当我走出旅馆时，看门人问道：“将军，您上哪去？”一听说我要去西点，他说：“那是个好地方，您从前去过吗？”

这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的。长期以来，我从事这个职业，又如此热爱这个民族，能获得这样的荣誉简直使我无法表达我的感情。然而，这种奖赏主要并不意味着对个人的尊崇，而是象征一个伟大的道德准则——捍卫这块可爱土地上的文化与古老传统的那些人的行为与品质的准则。这就是这个大奖章的意义。无论现在还是将来，它都是美国军人道德标准的一种体现。我一定要遵循这个标准，结合崇高的理想，唤起自豪感，同时始终保持谦虚??

责任一荣誉一国家。这三个神圣的名词庄严地提醒你应该成为怎样的人，可能成为怎样的人，一定要成为怎样的人。它们将使你精神振奋，在你似乎丧失勇气时鼓起勇气，似乎没有理由相信时重建信念，几乎绝望时产生希望。遗憾得很，我既没有雄辩的词令、诗意的想象，也没有华丽的隐喻向你们说明它们的意义。怀疑者一定要说它们只不过是几个名词，一句口号，一个浮夸的短词。每一个迂腐的学究，每一个蛊惑人心的政客，每一个玩世不恭的人，每一个伪君子，每一个惹是生非之徒，很遗憾，还有其他个性不甚正常的人，一定企图贬低它们，甚至对它们进行愚弄和嘲笑。

但这些名词确能做到：塑造你的基本特性，使你将来成为国防卫士；使你坚强起来，认清自己的懦弱，并勇敢地面对自己的胆怯。它们教导你在失败时要自尊，要不屈不挠；胜利时要谦和，不要以言语代替行动，不要贪图舒适；要面对重压和困难，勇敢地接受挑战；要学会巍然屹立于风浪之中，但对遇难者要寄予同情；要先律己而后律人；要有纯洁的心灵和崇高的目标；要学会笑，但不要忘记怎么哭；要向往未来，但不可忽略过去；要为人持重，但不

可过于严肃；要谦虚，铭记真正伟大的纯朴，真正智慧的虚心，真正强大的温顺。它们赋予你意志的韧性，想象的质量，感情的活力，从生命的深处焕发精神，以勇敢的姿态克服胆怯，甘于冒险而不贪图安逸。它们在你们心中创造奇妙的意想不到的希望，以及生命的灵感与欢乐。它们就是以这种方式教导你们成为军人和君子。

你所率领的是哪一类士兵？他可*吗？勇敢吗？他有能力赢得胜利吗？他的故事你全都熟悉，那是一个美国士兵的故事。我对他的估价是多年前在战场上形成的，至今没有改变。那时，我把他看作是世界上最高尚的人；现在，我仍然这样看他。他不仅是一个军事品德最优秀的人，而且也是一个最纯洁的人。他的名字与威望是每一个美国公民的骄傲。在青壮年时期，他献出了一切人类所赋予的爱情与忠贞。他不需要我及其他人的颂扬，因为他已用自己的鲜血在敌人的胸前谱写了自传。可是，当我想到他在灾难中的坚忍，在战火里的勇气，在胜利时的谦虚，我满怀的赞美之情不禁油然而升。他在历史上已成为一位成功爱国者的伟大典范；他在未来将成为子孙认识解放与自由的教导者；现在，他把美德与成就献给我们。在数十次战役中，在上百个战场上，在成千堆营火旁，我亲眼目睹他坚韧不拔的不朽精神，热爱祖国的自我克制以及不可战胜的坚定决心，这些已经把他的形象铭刻在他的人民心中。从世界的这一端到另一端，他已经深深地为那勇敢的美酒所陶醉。

当我听到合唱队唱的这些歌曲，我记忆的目光看到第一次世界大战中步履蹒跚的小分队，从湿淋淋的黄昏到细雨蒙蒙的黎明，在透湿的背包的重负下疲惫不堪地行军，沉重的脚踝深深地踏在炮弹轰震过的泥泞路上，与敌人进行你死我活的战斗。他们嘴唇发青，浑身污泥，在风雨中战抖着，从家里被赶到敌人面前，许多人还被赶到上帝的审判席上。我不了解他们生得高贵，可我知道他们死得光荣。他们从不犹豫，毫无怨恨，满怀信心，嘴边叨念着继续战斗，直到看到胜利的希望才合上双眼。这一切都是为了它们——责任一荣誉一国家。当我们瞒珊在寻找光明与真理的道路上时，他们一直在流血、挥汗、洒泪。 20年以后，在世界的另一边，他们又面对着黑黝黝肮脏的散兵坑、阴森森恶臭的战壕、湿淋淋污浊的坑道，还有那酷热的火辣辣的阳光、疾风狂暴的倾盆大雨、荒无人烟的丛林小道。他们忍受着与亲人长期分离的痛苦煎熬、热带疾病的猖獗蔓延、兵桌要地区的恐怖情景。他们坚定果敢的防御，他们迅速准确的攻击，他们不屈挠的目的，他们全面彻底的胜利——永恒的胜利——永远伴随着他们最后在血泊中的战斗。在战斗中，那些苍白憔悴的人们的目光始终庄严地跟随着责任一荣誉一国家的口号。

这几个名词包合着最高的道德准则，并将经受任何为提高人类道德水准而传播的伦理或哲学的检验。它所提倡的是正确的事物，它所制止的是谬误的东西。高于众人之上的战士要履行宗教修炼的最伟大行为——牺牲。在战斗中，面对着危险与死亡，他显示出造物主按照自己意愿创造人类时所赋予的品质。只有神明能帮助他、支持他，这是任何肉体的勇敢与动物的本能都代替不了的。无论战争如何恐怖，召之即来的战士准备为国捐躯是人类最崇高的进化。 现在，你们面临着一个新世界 ——一个变革中的世界。人造卫星进入星际空间。卫星与导弹标志着人类漫长的历史进入了另一个时代——太空时代。自然科学告诉我们，在50亿年或更长的时期中，地球形成了；300万年或更长的时期中，人类形成了；人类历史还不曾有过一次更巨大、更令人惊讶的进化。我们不单要从现在这个世界，而且要从无法估算的距离，从神秘莫测的宇宙来论述事物。我们正在认识一个崭新的无边无际的世界。我们谈论着不可思议的话题：控制宇宙的能源；让风力与潮汐为我们所用；创造空前的合成物质以补充甚至代替古老的基本物质；净化海水以供我们饮用；开发海底以作为财富与食品的新基地；预防疾病以使寿命延长几百岁；调节空气以使冷热、晴雨分布均衡；登月宇宙飞船；战争中的主

要目标不仅限于敌人的武装力量，也包括其平民；切结起来的人类与某些星系行星的恶势力的最根本矛盾；使生命成为有史以来最扣人心弦的那些梦境与幻想。

为了迎接所有这些巨大的变化与发展，你们的任务将变得更加坚定而不可侵犯，那就是赢得我们战争的胜利。你们的职业要求你们在这个生死关头勇于献身，此外，别无所求。其余的一切公共目的、公共计划、公共需求，无论大小，都可以寻找其他办法去完成；而你们就是受训参加战斗的，你们的职业就是战斗——决心取胜。在战争中最明确的目标就是为了胜利，这是任何东西都代替不了的。假如你失败了，国家就要遭到破坏，因此，你的职业唯一要遵循的就是责任一荣誉一国家。其他人将纠缠于分散人们思想的国内外问题的争论，可是你将安详、宁静地屹立在远处，作为国家的卫士，作为国际矛盾怒潮中的救生员，作为硝烟弥漫的竞技场上的格斗士。一个半世纪以来，你们曾经防御、守卫、保护着解放与自由、权利与正义的神圣传统。让平民百姓去辩论我们政府的功过：我们的国力是否因长期财政赤字而衰竭，联邦的家长式传统是否势力过大，权力集团是否过于骄横自大，政治是否过于腐败，犯罪是否过于猖獗，道德标准是否降得太低，捐税是否提得太高，极端分子是否过于偏激，我们个人的自由是否像应有的那样完全彻底。这些重大的国家问题与你们的职业毫不相干，也无需使用军事手段来解决。你们的路标——责任一荣誉一国家，比夜里的灯塔要亮十倍。

你们是联系我国防御系统全部机构的纽带。当战争警钟敲响时，从你们的队伍中将涌现出手操国家命运的伟大军官。还从来没有人打败过我们。假如你也是这样，上百万身穿橄榄色、棕色、蓝色和灰色制服的灵魂将从他们的白色十字架下站起来，以雷霆般的声音喊出那神奇的口号——责任一荣誉一国家。

这并不意味着你们是战争贩子。相反，高于众人之上的战士祈求和平，因为他忍受着战争最深刻的伤痛与疮疤。可是，我们的耳边经常响起那位大智大慧的哲学之父柏拉图的警世之言：“只有死者才能看到战争的终结。”

我的生命已近黄昏，暮色已经降临。我过去的音调与色彩已经消失，它们已经随着往事的梦境模糊地溜走了。往日的回忆是非常美好的，是以泪水洗涤，以昨天的微笑抚慰的。我渴望但徒然地聆听着远处那微弱而迷人的起床号声，和那咚咚作响的军鼓声。在梦境里，我又听到隆隆的炮声，劈啪的步枪射击声，战场上古怪而悲伤的低语声。然而，在我黄昏的记忆中，我总是来到西点，耳边始终回响着：责任一荣誉一国家。

今天标志我对你们的最后一次点名。但我希望你们知道，当我死去时，我最后自然想到的一定是你们这支部队——这支部队——这支部队。

我向你们告别了。

克林顿告别白宫演说

Clinton Farewell Address to the Nation

My fellow citizens, tonight is my last opportunity to speak to you from the Oval Office as your President. I am profoundly grateful to you for twice giving me the honor to serve -- to work

for you and with you to prepare our nation for the 21st century.

And I'm grateful to Vice President Gore, to my Cabinet Secretaries, and to all those who have served with me for the last eight years.

This has been a time of dramatic transformation, and you have risen to every new challenge. You have made our social fabric stronger, our families healthier and safer, our people more prosperous. You, the American people, have made our passage into the global information age an era of great American renewal.

In all the work I have done as President -- every decision I have made, every executive action I have taken, every bill I have proposed and signed, I've tried to give all Americans the tools and conditions to build the future of our dreams in a good society, with a strong economy, a cleaner environment, and a freer, safer, more prosperous world.

I have steered my course by our enduring values -- opportunity for all, responsibility from all, a community of all Americans. I have sought to give America a new kind of government, smaller, more modern, more effective, full of ideas and policies appropriate to this new time, always putting people first, always focusing on the future.

Working together, America has done well. Our economy is breaking records, with more than 22 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment in 30 years, the highest home ownership ever, the longest expansion in history.

Our families and communities are stronger. Thirty-five million Americans have used the Family Leave law; 8 million have moved off welfare. Crime is at a 25-year low. Over 10 million Americans receive more college aid, and more people than ever are going to college. Our schools are better. Higher standards, greater accountability and larger investments have brought higher test scores and higher graduation rates.

More than 3 million children have health insurance now, and more than 7 million Americans have been lifted out of poverty. Incomes are rising across the board. Our air and water are cleaner. Our food and drinking water are safer. And more of our precious land has been preserved in the continental United States than at any time in a hundred years.

America has been a force for peace and prosperity in every corner of the globe. I'm very grateful to be able to turn over the reins of leadership to a new President with America in such a strong position to meet the challenges of the future.

Tonight I want to leave you with three thoughts about our future. First, America must maintain our record of fiscal responsibility.

Through our last four budgets we've turned record deficits to record surpluses, and we've been able to pay down 軸 billion of our national debt, on track to be debt-free by the end of the

decade for the first time since 1835. Staying on that course will bring lower interest rates, greater prosperity, and the opportunity to meet our big challenges. If we choose wisely, we can pay down the debt, deal with the retirement of the baby boomers, invest more in our future, and provide tax relief.

Second, because the world is more connected every day, in every way, America's security and prosperity require us to continue to lead in the world. At this remarkable moment in history, more people live in freedom than ever before. Our alliances are stronger than ever. People all around the world look to America to be a force for peace and prosperity, freedom and security.

The global economy is giving more of our own people and billions around the world the chance to work and live and raise their families with dignity. But the forces of integration that have created these good opportunities also make us more subject to global forces of destruction -- to terrorism, organized crime and narco trafficking, the spread of deadly weapons and disease, the degradation of the global environment.

The expansion of trade hasn't fully closed the gap between those of us who live on the cutting edge of the global economy and the billions around the world who live on the knife's edge of survival. This global gap requires more than compassion; it requires action. Global poverty is a powder keg that could be ignited by our indifference.

In his first inaugural address, Thomas Jefferson warned of entangling alliances. But in our times, America cannot, and must not, disentangle itself from the world. If we want the world to embody our shared values, then we must assume a shared responsibility.

If the wars of the 20th century, especially the recent ones in Kosovo and Bosnia, have taught us anything, it is that we achieve our aims by defending our values, and leading the forces of freedom and peace. We must embrace boldly and resolutely that duty to lead -- to stand with our allies in word and deed, and to put a human face on the global economy, so that expanded trade benefits all peoples in all nations, lifting lives and hopes all across the world.

Third, we must remember that America cannot lead in the world unless here at home we weave the threads of our coat of many colors into the fabric of one America. As we become ever more diverse, we must work harder to unite around our common values and our common humanity. We must work harder to overcome our differences, in our hearts and in our laws. We must treat all our people with fairness and dignity, regardless of their race, religion, gender or ***ual orientation, and regardless of when they arrived in our country; always moving toward the more perfect union of our founders' dreams.

Hillary, Chelsea and I join all Americans in wishing our very best to the next President, George W. Bush, to his family and his administration, in meeting these challenges, and in leading freedom's march in this new century.

As for me, I'll leave the presidency more idealistic, more full of hope than the day I arrived,

and more confident than ever that America's best days lie ahead.

My days in this office are nearly through, but my days of service, I hope, are not. In the years ahead, I will never hold a position higher or a covenant more sacred than that of President of the United States. But there is no title I will wear more proudly than that of citizen.

Thank you. God bless you, and God bless America.中文：

美国东部时间1月18日晚间8时(北京时间1月19日上午9点)，即将离任的美国总统克林顿发表了电视讲话，对他8年任期美国社会、经济各方面的发展作出总结。全文如下：

同胞们，今晚是我最后一次作为你们的总统，在白宫椭圆形办公室向你们做最后一次演讲。

我从心底深处感谢你们给了我两次机会和荣誉，为你们服务，为你们工作，和你们一起为我们的国家进入21世纪做准备。这里，我要感谢戈尔副总统，我的内阁部长们以及所有伴我度过过去8年的同事们。现在是一个极具变革的年代，你们为迎接新的挑战已经做好了准备。是你们使我们的社会更加强大，我们的家庭更加健康和安全，我们的人民更加富裕。

同胞们，我们已经进入了全球信息化时代，这是美国复兴的伟大时代。

作为总统，我所做的一切---每一个决定，每一个行政命令，提议和签署的每一项法令，都是在努力为美国人民提供工具和创造条件，来实现美国的梦想，建设美国的未来---一个美好的社会，繁荣的经济，清洁的环境，进而实现一个更自由、更安全、更繁荣的世界。

借助我们永恒的价值，我驾驭了我的航程。机会属于每一个美国公民；(我的)责任来自全体美国人民；所有美国人民组成了一个大家庭。我一直在努力为美国创造一个新型的政府：更小、更现代化、更有效率、面对新时代的挑战充满创意和思想、永远把人民的利益放在第一位、永远面向未来。

我们在一起使美国变得更加美好。我们的经济正在破着一个又一个的记录，向前发展。我们已创造了2200万个新的工作岗位，我们的失业率是30年来最低的，老百姓的购房率达到一个空前的高度，我们经济繁荣的持续时间是历史上最长的。

我们的家庭、我们的社会变得更加强大。3500万美国人曾经享受联邦休假，800万人重新获得社会保障，犯罪率是25年来最低的，1000多万美国人享受更多的入学贷款，更多的人接受大学教育。我们的学校也在改善。更高的办学水平、更大的责任感和更多的投资使得我们的学生取得更高的考试分数和毕业成绩。

目前，已有300多万美国儿童在享受着医疗保险，700多万美国人已经脱离了贫困线。全国人民的收入在大幅度提高。我们的空气和水资源更加洁净，食品和饮用水更加安全。我们珍贵的土地资源也得到了近百年来前所未有的保护。

美国已经成为地球上每个角落促进和平和繁荣的积极力量。

我非常高兴能于此时将领导权交给新任总统，强大的美国正面临未来的挑战。 今晚，我希望大家能从以下3点审视我们的未来：第一，美国必须保持它的良好财政状况。通过过去4个财政年度的努力，我们已经把破纪录的财政赤字变为破纪录的盈余。并且，我们已经偿还了6000亿美元的国债，我们正向10年内彻底偿还国家债务的目标迈进，这将是1835年以来的第一次。

只要这样做，就会带来更低的利率、更大的经济繁荣，从而能够迎接将来更大的挑战。如果我们做出明智的选择，我们就能偿还债务，解决(二战后出生的)一大批人们的退休问题，对未来进行更多的投资，并减轻税收。

第二，世界各国的联系日益紧密。为了美国的安全与繁荣，我们应继续融入世界。在这个特别的历史时刻，更多的美国人民享有前所未有的自由。我们的盟国更加强大。全世界人民期望美国成为和平与繁荣、自由与安全的力量。全球经济给予美国民众以及全世界人民更多的机会去工作、生活，更体面地养活家庭。

但是，这种世界融合的趋势一方面为我们创造了良好的机会，但同时使得我们在全球范围内更容易遭致破坏性力量、恐怖主义、有组织的犯罪、贩毒活动，致命性武器和疾病传播的威胁。

尽管世界贸易不断扩大，但它没能缩小处于全球经济繁荣中的我们同数十亿处于死亡边缘的人们之间的距离。

要解决世界贫富两极分化需要的不是同情和怜悯，而是实际行动。贫穷有可能被我们的漠不关心激化而成为火药桶。

托马斯-杰斐逊在他的就职演说中告诫我们结盟的危害。但是，在我们这个时代，美国不能，也不可能使自己脱离这个世界。如果我们想把我们共有的价值观赋予这个世界，我们必须共同承担起这个责任。

如果20世纪的历次战争，尤其是新近在科索沃地区和波斯尼亚爆发的战争，能够让我们得到某种教训的话，我们从中得到的启示应是：由于捍卫了我们的价值观并领导了自由和和平的力量，我们才达到了目标。我们必须坚定勇敢地拥抱这个信念和责任，在语言和行动上与我们的同盟者们站在一起，领导他们按这条道路前进；循着在全球经济中以人为本的观念，让不断发展的贸易能够使所有国家的所有人受益，在全世界范围内提高他们的生活水平和实现他们的梦想。

第三，我们必须牢记如果我们不团结一致，美国就不能领先世界。随着我们变得越来越多样化，我们必须更加努力地团结在共同价值观和共同人性的旗帜下。

我们要加倍努力地工作，克服生活中存在的种种分歧。于情于法，我们都要让我们的人民受到公正的待遇，不论他是哪一个民族、信仰何种宗教、什么性别或性倾向，或者何时来到这个国家。我们时时刻刻都要为了实现先辈们建立高度团结的美利坚合众国的梦想而奋斗。

希拉里、切尔西和我同美国人民一起，向即将就任的布什总统、他的家人及美国新政府致以衷心的祝福，希望新政府能够勇敢面对挑战，并高扛自由大旗在新世纪阔步前进。

对我来说，当我离开总统宝座时，我充满更多的理想，比初进白宫时更加充满希望，并且坚信美国的好日子还在后面。

我的总统任期就要结束了，但是我希望我为美国人民服务的日子永远不会结束。在我未来的岁月里，我再也不会担任一个能比美利坚合众国总统更高的职位、签订一个比美利坚合众国总统所能签署的更为神圣的契约了。当然，没有任何一个头衔能让我比作为一个美国公民更为自豪的了。

谢谢你们！愿上帝保佑你们！愿上帝保佑美国！

The Declaration of Independence

IN CONGRESS, JULY 4,

1776 THE UNANIMOUS

DECLARATION OF THE

THIRTEEN UNITED

STATES OF AMERAICA

When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws Nature and Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should

declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are

endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that they are among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among them, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than t right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity, which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is usurpations, all having in direct object tyranny over these States.

To prove this, let facts be ted to a candid world.

He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so

suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature, a right

inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into

compliance with his measures.]

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his

invasion on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolution, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of

invasion from without and convulsion within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalizing of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration

hither, and raising the condition of new appropriations of lands.

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent of laws for

establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their office, and the

amount and payment of their salary.

He has erected a multitude of new officers, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass

our people, and eat out our substances.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our

legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation.

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murder which they should

commit on the inhabitants of these States.

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;

For imposing taxes on us without our consent;

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury;

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses;

For abolishing the free systems of English laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an

example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule these Colonies; For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering

fundamentally the forms of our governments;

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to

legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war

against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives

of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely parallel in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized

nation.

He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against

their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall

themselves by their hands.

He has excited domestic insurrection amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is

an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petition have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a

free people.

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.

We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpation, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them., as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace

friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress

assembled , appealing to the supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United States Colonies and Independent States; that they are absolved by from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace,

contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives,

our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

在人类事务发展的过程中，当一个民族必须解除同另一个民族的联系，并按照自然法则和上帝的旨意，以独立平等的身份立于世界列国之林时，出于对人类舆论的尊重，必须把驱使他

们独立的原因予以宣布。

我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物主赋予他们若干不可让与的权利，其中包括生存权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。为了保障这些权利，人们才在他们中间建立政府，而政府的正当权利，则是经被统治者同意授予的。任何形式的政府一旦对这些目标的实现起破坏作用时，人民便有权予以更换或废除，以建立一个新的政府。新政府所依据的原则

和组织其权利的方式，务使人民认为唯有这样才最有可能使他们获得安全和幸福。若真要审慎的来说，成立多年的政府是不应当由于无关紧要的和一时的原因而予以更换的。过去的一切经验都说明，任何苦难，只要尚能忍受，人类还是情愿忍受，也不想为申冤而废除他们久已习惯了的政府形式。然而，当始终追求同一目标的一系列滥用职权和强取豪夺的行为表明政府企图把人民至于专制暴政之下时，人民就有权也有义务去推翻这样的政府，并为其未来的安全提供新的保障。这就是这些殖民地过去忍受苦难的经过，也是他们现在不得不改变政府制度的原因。当今大不列颠王国的历史，就是屡屡伤害和掠夺这些殖民地的历史，其直接目标就是要在各州之上建立一个独裁暴政。为了证明上述句句属实，现将事实公诸于世，让

公正的世人作出评判。

他拒绝批准对公众利益最有益、最必需的法律。

他禁止他的殖民总督批准刻不容缓、极端重要的法律，要不就先行搁置这些法律直至征

得他的同意，而这些法律被搁置以后，他又完全置之不理。

他拒绝批准便利大地区人民的其他的法律，除非这些地区的人民情愿放弃自己在自己在

立法机构中的代表权；而代表权对人民是无比珍贵的，只有暴君才畏惧它。

他把各州的立法委员召集到一个异乎寻常、极不舒适而有远离他们的档案库的地方去开

会，其目的无非是使他们疲惫不堪，被迫就范。

他一再解散各州的众议院，因为后者坚决反对他侵犯人民的权利。

他在解散众议院之后，又长期拒绝另选他人，于是这项不可剥夺的立法权便归由普通人

民来行使，致使在这其间各州仍处于外敌入侵和内部骚乱的种种危险之中。

他力图阻止各州增加人口，为此目的，他阻挠外国人入籍法的通过，拒绝批准其他鼓励

移民的法律，并提高分配新土地的条件。

他拒绝批准建立司法权利的法律，以阻挠司法的执行。

他迫使法官为了保住任期、薪金的数额和支付而置于他个人意志的支配之下。

他滥设新官署，委派大批官员到这里骚扰我们的人民，吞噬他们的财物。

他在和平时期，未经我们立法机构同意，就在我们中间维持其常备军。

他施加影响，使军队独立于文官政权之外，并凌驾于文官政权之上。

他同他人勾结，把我们置于一种既不符合我们的法规也未经我们法律承认的管辖之下，而且还批准他们炮制的各种伪法案，以便任其在我们中间驻扎大批武装部队；不论这些人对我们各州居民犯下何等严重的谋杀罪，他可用加审判来庇护他们，让他们逍遥法外；他可以切断我们同世界各地的贸易；未经我们同意便向我们强行征税；在许多案件中剥夺我们享有陪审制的权益；以莫须有的罪名把我们押送海外受审；他在一个邻省废除了英国法律的自由制度，在那里建立专制政府，扩大其疆域，使其立即成为一个样板和合适的工具，以便向这里各殖民地推行同样的专制统治；他取消我们的许多特许状，废除我们最珍贵的法律并从根本上改变我们各州政府的形式；他终止我们立法机构行使权力，宣称他们自己拥有在任何情

况下为我们制定法律的权力。

他们放弃设在这里的政府，宣称我们已不属他们保护之列，并向我们发动战争。

他在我们的海域里大肆掠夺，蹂躏我们的沿海地区，烧毁我们的城镇，残害我们人民的

生命。

他此时正在运送大批外国雇佣兵，来从事其制造死亡、荒凉和暴政的勾当，其残忍与卑

劣从一开始就连最野蛮的时代也难以相比，他已完全不配当一个文明国家的元首。

他强迫我们在公海被他们俘虏的同胞拿起武器反对自己的国家，使他们成为残杀自己亲

友的刽子手，或使他们死于自己亲友的手下。

他在我们中间煽动内乱，并竭力挑唆残酷无情的印地安蛮子来对付我们边疆的居民，而

众所周知，印地安人作战的准则是不分男女老幼、是非曲直，格杀勿论。

在遭受这些压迫的每一阶段，我们都曾以最谦卑的言辞吁请予以纠正。而我们一次又一

次的情愿，却只是被报以一次又一次的伤害。

一个君主，其品格被他的每一个只有暴君才干的出的行为所暴露时，就不配君临自由的

人民。

我们并不是没有想到我们英国的弟兄。他们的立法机关想把无理的管辖权扩展到我们这里来，我们时常把这个企图通知他们。我们也曾把我们移民来这里和在这里定居的情况告诉他们。我们曾恳求他们天生的正义感和雅量，念在同种同宗的分上，弃绝这些掠夺行为，因为这些掠夺行为难免会使我们之间的关系和来往中断。可他们对这种正义和同宗的呼声也同样充耳不闻。因此，我们不得不宣布脱离他们，以对待世界上其他民族的态度对待他们：同

我交战者，就是敌人；同我和好者，即为朋友。

因此我们这些在大陆会议上集会的美利坚合众国的代表们，以各殖民地善良人民的名义，并经他们授权，向世界最高裁判者申诉，说明我们的严重意向，同时郑重宣布：

我们这些联合起来的殖民地现在是，而且按公理也应该是，独立自由的国家；我们对英国王室效忠的全部义务，我们与大不列颠王国之间大不列颠一切政治联系全部断绝，而且必

须断绝。

作为一个独立自由的国家，我们完全有权宣战、缔和、结盟、通商和采取独立国家有权

采取的一切行动。

我们坚定地信赖神明上帝的保佑，同时以我们的生命、财产和神圣的名誉彼此宣誓来支

持这一宣言。

杰斐逊起草了《独立宣言》的第一稿，富兰克林等人又进行了润色。大陆会议对此稿又进行了长时间的、激烈的辩论，最终作出了重大的修改。特别是在佐治亚和卡罗来纳代表们的坚持下，删去了杰斐逊对英王乔治三世允许在殖民地保持奴隶制和奴隶买卖的有力谴责。这

一部分的原文是这样的：

他的人性本身发动了残酷的战争，侵犯了一个从未冒犯过他的远方民族的最神圣的生存权和自由权；他诱骗他们，并把他们运往另一半球充当奴隶，或使他们惨死在运送途中。 托马斯.杰斐逊(1743-1826)，生于弗吉尼亚的一个富裕家庭。曾就读于威廉-玛丽学院。1767年成为律师，1769年当选为弗吉尼亚下院议院。他积极投身于独立运动之中，并代表

弗吉尼亚出席大陆会议。他曾两次当选弗吉尼亚州长。1800年当选美国总统。

杰斐逊在为自己的墓碑而作的墓志铭中这样写到：

这里埋葬着托马斯.杰斐逊，美国《独立宣言》的作者，弗吉尼亚宗教自由法规的制定

者和弗吉尼亚大学之父。

奥巴马就拉登之死发表的全美电视讲话全文

Good evening. Tonight, I can report to the American people and to the world that the United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of

Al-Qaeda, and a terrorist who's responsible for the murder of thousands of innocent men, women, and children.

今晚，我可以向美国民众和全世界宣布，美国已经完成了消灭基地组织头目本?拉登的行动，此人是屠杀数以千计无辜男女老少的恐怖分子。

It was nearly 10 years ago that a bright September day was darkened by the worst attack on the American people in our history. The images of 9/11 are seared into our national memory — hijacked planes cutting through a cloudless September sky; the Twin Towers collapsing to the ground; black smoke billowing up from the Pentagon; the

wreckage of Flight 93 in Shanksville, Pennsylvania, where the actions of heroic citizens saved even more heartbreak and destruction.

将近十年前，9月一个阳光明媚的早晨，美国民众遭受了历史上最严重的袭击。9-11袭击的一幕幕在我国民众记忆中挥之不去。遭劫持的飞机划破了9月云淡风轻的天空；世贸中心双子塔瞬间倒塌；黑烟从五角大楼滚滚上升；坠毁在宾夕法尼亚州尚克斯维尔的93号航班残骸，乘客们的英勇行为避免了更多惨剧和摧毁的发生。

And yet we know that the worst images are those that were unseen to the world. The empty seat at the dinner table. Children who were forced to grow up without their mother or their father. Parents who would never know the feeling of their child's embrace. Nearly 3,000 citizens taken from us, leaving a gaping hole in our hearts.

然而我们知道，最惨痛的是那些未向全世界播出的画面：餐桌旁空空如也的椅子；失去父母的儿童们；再也无法体会孩子拥抱的父母们。将近3000名市民离开了我们，同时在我们心中留下巨大空洞。

On September 11, 2001, in our time of grief, the American people came together. We offered our neighbors a hand, and we offered the wounded our blood. We reaffirmed our ties to each other, and our love of community and country. On that day, no matter where

we came from, what God we prayed to, or what race or ethnicity we were, we were united as one American family.

20xx年9月11日，在我们这个悲痛的时刻，全体美国人走到了一起。我们向邻居们伸出援手，为受伤者献血。我们相互之间的关系更加牢固，我们对社区和国家的爱更加浓烈。在那一天，不管我们来自何处、不管我们向哪一位神灵祈祷，也无论我们的种族如何，我们都团结在一起，整个美国就像一个大家庭。

We were also united in our resolve to protect our nation and to bring those who committed this vicious attack to justice. We quickly learned that the 9/11 attacks were carried out by Al-Qaeda — an organization headed by Osama bin Laden, which had openly declared war on the United States and was committed to killing innocents in our country and around the globe. And so we went to war against Al-Qaeda to protect our citizens, our friends, and our allies.

我们有着共同的决心，即矢志保卫我们的国家，并把那些发动了这场邪恶袭击的人绳之以法。我们很快查明，发动9-11袭击的是基地组织，该组织以奥萨马?本?拉登为首，他们早已公开对美国宣战，并在我们国家和全球其他地方杀害无辜人民。为了保护我们的公民、我们的朋友以及我们的盟友，我们展开了针对基地组织的战争。

Over the last 10 years, thanks to the tireless and heroic work of our military and our counterterrorism professionals, we've made great strides in that effort. We've disrupted terrorist attacks and strengthened our homeland defense. In Afghanistan, we removed the Taliban government, which had given bin Laden and Al-Qaeda safe haven and support. And around the globe, we worked with our friends and allies to capture or kill scores of Al-Qaeda terrorists, including several who were a part of the 9/11 plot.

过去十年以来，得益于我们军队和专业反恐人员不知疲倦的英勇工作，我们在打击基地组织方面取得了巨大进展。我们挫败了多起恐怖袭击，强化了本土安全。在阿富汗，我们推

翻了向本?拉登和基地组织提供庇护伞和支持的塔利班政府。在世界范围内，我们与友邦盟国共同合作逮捕或者击毙大量的基地组织恐怖分子，包括那些参与9-11袭击的。 Yet Osama bin Laden avoided capture and escaped across the Afghan border into

Pakistan. Meanwhile, Al-Qaeda continued to operate from along that border and operate through its affiliates across the world.

但是奥萨马-本?拉登逃脱了追捕，从阿富汗边境潜逃进入巴基斯坦。与此同时，基地组织继续在阿巴边境地区以及通过其分支机构在全球地区活动。

And so shortly after taking office, I directed Leon Panetta, the director of the CIA, to make the killing or capture of bin Laden the top priority of our war against Al-Qaeda, even as we continued our broader efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat his network.

我就任美国总统后不久，就曾命令中央情报局局长莱昂-帕内塔把击毙或者抓捕本?拉登作为打击基地组织战争的首要任务。我们也加强努力破坏、分解和打击拉丹的恐怖网络。 Then, last August, after years of painstaking work by our intelligence community, I was briefed on a possible lead to bin Laden. It was far from certain, and it took many months to run this thread to ground. I met repeatedly with my national security team as we

developed more information about the possibility that we had located bin Laden hiding within a compound deep inside of Pakistan. And finally, last week, I determined that we had enough intelligence to take action, and authorized an operation to get Osama bin Laden and bring him to justice.

去年八月，在我们的情报部门历经数年的艰苦工作之后，我获悉已经有了本?拉登的线索，尽管那时还远远无法确定。我们花费了数月才得以顺藤摸瓜。我多次同国家安全人员会谈，也有更多信息锁定本?拉登就藏在巴基斯坦的一座建筑内。终于在上周，在我们有了充分的情报之后，我下令对奥萨马-本?拉登采取行动，将他绳之以法。

Today, at my direction, the United States launched a targeted operation against that

compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. A small team of Americans carried out the operation with extraordinary courage and capability. No Americans were harmed. They took care to avoid civilian casualties. After a firefight, they killed Osama bin Laden and took custody of his body.

今天，在我的指示下，美军对巴基斯坦阿巴德的一处目标实施了有针对性的行动。本次行动的执行者是一小队有着非凡勇气和能力的美国士兵，并没有造成任何美国人伤亡。双方交火后，美国士兵打死了奥萨马-本?拉登，并且掌握了本?拉登的尸体。

For over two decades, bin Laden has been Al-Qaeda's leader and symbol, and has

continued to plot attacks against our country and our friends and allies. The death of bin Laden marks the most significant achievement to date in our nation's effort to defeat Al-Qaeda.

在过去的二十年里，本?拉登一直是基地组织的头目和象征，并且不断地策划针对我们国家、朋友和盟友的袭击。本?拉登之死是我们在打击基地组织的努力中，迄今为止取得的最为重要的成就。

Yet his death does not mark the end of our effort. There's no doubt that Al-Qaeda will continue to pursue attacks against us. We must -- and we will -- remain vigilant at home and abroad.

本?拉登的死并不意味着我们工作的结束。毫无疑问，基地组织将会继续对我们实施攻击。因此，我们必须并且继续对国内外的情况保持警惕。

As we do, we must also reaffirm that the United States is not — and never will be -- at war with Islam. I've made clear, just as President Bush did shortly after 9/11, that our war is not against Islam. Bin Laden was not a Muslim leader; he was a mass murderer of Muslims. Indeed, Al-Qaeda has slaughtered scores of Muslims in many countries,

including our own. So his demise should be welcomed by all who believe in peace and human dignity.

如我们做的那样，我们还必须重申美国没有也绝对不会对伊斯兰发动战争。正如小布什总统在9-11事件之后我曾经明确表示，我们的战争并非针对伊斯兰。本?拉登并非一个穆斯林领袖，相反，他屠杀了大量的穆斯林人民。事实上，基地组织在包括美国在内的很多国家都屠杀了许多穆斯林。所有爱好和平并相信人之尊严者都会为他的死而欢欣鼓舞。

Over the years, I've repeatedly made clear that we would take action within Pakistan if we knew where bin Laden was. That is what we've done. But it's important to note that our counterterrorism cooperation with Pakistan helped lead us to bin Laden and the

compound where he was hiding. Indeed, bin Laden had declared war against Pakistan as well, and ordered attacks against the Pakistani people.

在过去的数年里，我一再重申，如果我们确认本?拉登在巴基斯坦境内栖身，我们将采取行动。我们这次就是这么做的。这里我们必须指出同巴基斯坦在反恐上的合作在这次行动中帮助我们找到并确认了本?拉登的藏身之所。事实上，本?拉登早已对巴基斯坦宣战并且命令采取行动袭击巴基斯坦人民。

Tonight, I called President Zardari, and my team has also spoken with their Pakistani counterparts. They agree that this is a good and historic day for both of our nations. And going forward, it is essential that Pakistan continue to join us in the fight against al Qaeda and its affiliates.

今晚我已经同扎尔达里总统通了电话，同时我的同事也与巴基斯坦方面的相应官员进行了交流。我们一致认为今天对美巴两国人民来说都是一个值得纪念的日子。双方都同意未来巴基斯坦还将同美国一起展开针对基地组织及其分支机构的行动。

The American people did not choose this fight. It came to our shores, and started with the senseless slaughter of our citizens. After nearly 10 years of service, struggle, and sacrifice,

we know well the costs of war. These efforts weigh on me every time I, as

Commander-in-Chief, have to sign a letter to a family that has lost a loved one, or look into the eyes of a service member who's been gravely wounded.

美国人民并不想要这场战争，这一切都源于一场对美国本土无辜平民的无端残杀。 10年的斗争和牺牲，使我们深切体会到这场战争的代价。作为美国三军统帅，每次在给阵亡士兵家人的信上签名，每次看到被重伤军人的眼睛，我都感到沉重的压力。

So Americans understand the costs of war. Yet as a country, we will never tolerate our security being threatened, nor stand idly by when our people have been killed. We will be relentless in defense of our citizens and our friends and allies. We will be true to the

values that make us who we are. And on nights like this one, we can say to those families who have lost loved ones to Al-Qaeda's terror: Justice has been done.

美国人民清楚战争必然会有伤亡，知道战争必然要我们付出代价。但是作为一个国家，我们更是绝对不能容忍有人威胁我们的安全，也不能看着我们的人民被杀害还坐视不管。我们将坚持不懈地保护美国公民、朋友和盟友。我们将永远坚持那些我们所认可的价值。这个晚上，让我们对那些因基地恐怖分子而失去亲人至爱的家庭说，正义终于得到了伸张。 Tonight, we give thanks to the countless intelligence and counterterrorism professionals who've worked tirelessly to achieve this outcome. The American people do not see their work, nor know their names. But tonight, they feel the satisfaction of their work and the result of their pursuit of justice.

我们要感谢那些情报和反恐界的专业人士，正是他们孜孜不倦的工作才促成了今天的胜利。美国人民看不到他们的工作，也不知道他们的名字。但是在这个晚上，这些人能够真切地感受到付出得到回报、正义得以伸张的满足。

We give thanks for the men who carried out this operation, for they exemplify the

professionalism, patriotism, and unparalleled courage of those who serve our country.

And they are part of a generation that has borne the heaviest share of the burden since that September day.

我们还要感谢那些参与了这次行动的军人，他们是所有为国尽忠的士兵们的代表，展现出了专业、爱国和无可比拟的勇气。他们在9-11之后承担了最重的责任。

Finally, let me say to the families who lost loved ones on 9/11 that we have never

forgotten your loss, nor wavered in our commitment to see that we do whatever it takes to prevent another attack on our shores.

最后，我还要对那些在9-11恐怖袭击中失去至亲至爱的家庭说，我们从来没有忘记过你们的损失，我们也从来没有动摇所做出的承诺，那就是竭尽全力让国家免遭新的袭击。 And tonight, let us think back to the sense of unity that prevailed on 9/11. I know that it has, at times, frayed. Yet today's achievement is a testament to the greatness of our country and the determination of the American people.

这个夜晚，让我们重新回顾在9-11袭击发生后美国上下紧密团结的情景，我知道那种团结在有些时候已经淡化。但是今天的成就证明了美国的伟大和美国人的决心。 The cause of securing our country is not complete. But tonight, we are once again

reminded that America can do whatever we set our mind to. That is the story of our history, whether it's the pursuit of prosperity for our people, or the struggle for equality for all our citizens; our commitment to stand up for our values abroad, and our sacrifices to make the world a safer place.

请记住，保卫我们国家的事业并没有终结。但是今天我们再次印证只要美国下定决心，这个国家想做的事情就一定能够实现。这是我们国家的历史：不管是为了人民的繁荣还是国民的平等，我们对全球传递美国价值观的承诺不变，我们为世界安全宁愿自我牺牲的承诺不变。

Let us remember that we can do these things not just because of wealth or power, but because of who we are: one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. 我们要牢记，做这些并仅是为了财富或者权势，而是因为我们生来如此，我们生来要为所有人争取自由和公正。

Thank you. May God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America. 感谢你们，上帝保佑大家，上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

Always on the Side of the Egg

Written by Haruki Murakami

Good evening. I have come to Jerusalem today as a novelist, which is to say as a professional

1)spinner of lies.

Today, however, I have no intention of lying. I will try to be as honest as I can. There are only a few days in the year when I do not engage in telling lies, and today happens to be one of them.

So let me tell you the truth. In Japan a fair number of people advised me not to come here to accept the Jerusalem Prize. Some even warned me they would 2)instigate a 3)boycott of my books if I came. The reason for this, of course, was the fierce fighting that was raging in Gaza.

Finally, however, after careful consideration, I made up my mind to come here. One reason for my decision was that all too many people advised me not to do it. It’s in my nature, you might say, as a novelist. Novelists are a special breed. They cannot 4)genuinely trust anything they have not seen with their own eyes or touched with their own hands.

And that is why I am here. I chose to come here rather than stay away. I chose to see for myself rather than not to see. I chose to speak to you rather than to say nothing.

Please do allow me to deliver a message, one very personal message. It is something that I always keep in mind while I am writing fiction. I have never gone so far as to write it on a piece of paper and paste it to the wall: rather, it is carved into the wall of my mind, and it goes something like this:

“Between a high, solid wall and an egg that breaks against it, I will always stand on the side of the egg.”

Think of it this way. Each of us is, more or less, an egg. Each of us is a unique, irreplaceable soul enclosed in a fragile shell. This is true of me, and it is true of each of you. And each of us, to a greater or lesser degree, is confronting a high, solid wall. The wall has a name: it is “The System.” The System is supposed to protect us, but sometimes it takes on a life of its own, and then it begins to kill us and cause us to kill others—coldly, efficiently, systematically.

I have only one reason to write novels, and that is to bring the dignity of the individual soul to the surface and shine a light upon it. The purpose of a story is to sound an alarm, to keep a light

5)trained on The System in order to prevent it from 6)tangling our souls in its web and demeaning them. I truly believe it is the novelist’s job to keep trying to clarify the uniqueness of each individual soul by writing stories—stories of life and death, stories of love, stories that make people cry and quake with fear and shake with laughter. This is why we go on, day after day,

7)concocting fictions with utter seriousness.

I have only one thing I hope to convey to you today. We are all human beings, individuals

8)transcending nationality and race and religion, and we are all fragile eggs faced with a solid wall called The System. To all appearances, we have no hope of winning. The wall is too high, too strong—and too cold. If we have any hope of victory at all, it will have to come from our believing in the utter uniqueness and irreplaceability of our own and others’ souls and from our believing in the warmth we gain by joining souls together.

晚上好。今天我来到耶路撒冷，以一个小说家的身份，也就是说，以一个职业撒谎者的身份。

然而今天，我不想撒谎。我会试着尽量诚实。一年之中仅仅只有几天时间，我会不讲谎话，而今天碰巧就是其中之一。

所以请允许我告诉你们真相。在日本，许多人建议我不要来这里接受耶路撒冷文学奖。有一些人甚至警告我，说如果我来了，他们会对我的书发起抵制。这一切的原因当然在于，加沙地带所发生的惨烈的战火。

然而最终，经过审慎的考虑后，我决意到这里来。我作此决定的一个原因就是太多人建议我不要来到这里。也许你们会说，这是我作为小说家的天性。小说家们都是天生异品。他们就是不肯真正相信任何非亲眼目睹或亲手触碰的事物。

所以那就是我为什么来到了这里的原因。我选择了到这里来而非回避。我选择了亲眼见证，而非蒙蔽双眼。我选择了向你们开口说话，而非沉默不语。

请允许我，传达一条讯息，一条非常个人的讯息。这是我在撰写小说时总是牢记在心的。我从来没有真的将其形诸于文字、贴在墙上。我将它刻在我内心的墙上，这句话是这样说的：

“若要在坚实高墙与以卵击石的鸡蛋之间作选择，我永远会选择站在鸡蛋这一边。”

试着这样想：我们每个人，或多或少都可被视为一枚鸡蛋。我们每一个人都是一个独特的、不可替代的灵魂，而这灵魂覆盖着一个脆弱的外壳。我是这样，而且你们也是这样。而

且我们每一个人，在不同程度上，都在面对着一堵高大的、坚固的墙。而这堵墙有一个名字：叫做“体制”。这个体制本来应该保护我们，但是有时候它自怀生命，而这时它开始扼杀我们，并且怂恿我们互相残杀——冷血地、有效地、系统性地残杀。

我写作小说只有一个原因，而那就是为了彰显个体灵魂的尊严，并投以希望之光。一个故事的目的是敲响一个警钟，照亮这个体制，从而令我们的灵魂不至迷陷于体制的巨网当中，不至于被体制损害。我深信小说作者的职责就是通过写作，不断地去尝试揭露个体灵魂的独特性——那些关于生与死的故事，那些关于爱的故事，那些让人们落泪、恐惧战栗、欢笑颤抖的故事。这就是我们继续编写的原因，日复一日地用极致的严肃捏造着虚幻的小说。

今天我想传达给你们的讯息只有一个。那就是：我们都是人类，是超越了国籍、种族和信仰的个体，并且我们都是面对着名为“体制”的坚实高墙的脆弱的鸡蛋。照一切外部条件看来，我们根本没有赢的希望。墙，太高，太强大——而且太冷酷了。如果我们还有一点点胜利的希望，那么它将源自于我们相信自己和他人的灵魂当中有一种极致的独特性和不可替代性，源自于我们相信灵魂的缔结所能获得的温暖。

Blood, Sweat And Tears

Winston Churchill May 13, 1940

On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.

It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.

I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.

It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.

The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.

I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.

I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution

That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.

To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.

In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.

I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.

You ask, what is our policy I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.

You ask, what is our aim I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.

Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.

I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.

I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.

星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。三军指挥机构已加以充实。由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。我将在今天晚

上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。

我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期二。当然，还要附加规定，如果需要的话，可以提前复会。下周会议所要考虑的议题，将尽早通知全体议员。现在，我请求下院，根据以我的名义提出的决议案，批推已采取的各项步骤，将它记录在案，并宣布对新政府的信任。

组成一届具有这种规模和复杂性的政府，本身就是一项严肃的任务。但是大家一定要记住，我们正处在历史上一次最伟大的战争的初期阶段，我们正在挪威和荷兰的许多地方进行战斗，我们必须在地中海地区做好准备，空战仍在继续，众多的战备工作必须在国内完成。在这危急存亡之际，如果我今天没有向下院做长篇演说，我希望能够得到你们的宽恕。我还希望，因为这次政府改组而受到影响的任何朋友和同事，或者以前的同事，会对礼节上的不周之处予以充分谅解，这种礼节上的欠缺，到目前为止是在所难免的。正如我曾对参加本届政府的成员所说的那样，我要向下院说：“我没什么可以奉献，有的．只是热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水。”

摆在我们面前的，是一场极为痛苦的严峻的考验。在我们面前，有许多许多漫长的斗争和苦难的岁月。你们问：我们的政策是什么我要说，我们的政策就是用我们全部能力，用上帝所给予我们的全部力量，在海上、陆地和空中进行战争，同一个在人类黑暗悲惨的罪恶史上所从未有过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。这就是我们的政策。你们问：我们的目标是什么我可以用一个词来回答：胜利——不惜一切代价，去赢得胜利；无论多么可怕，也要赢得胜利，无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要赢得胜利。因为没有胜利，就不能生存。大家必须认识到这一点：没有胜利，就没有英帝国的存在，就没有英帝国所代表的一切，就没有促使人类朝着自己目标奋勇前进这一世代相因的强烈欲望和动力。但是当我挑起这个担子的时候，我是心情愉快、满怀希望的。我深信，人们不会听佳我们的事业遭受失败。此时此刻，我觉得我有权利要求大家的支持，我要说：“来吧，让我们同心协力，一道前进。”

奥巴马上海演讲

Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome. I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good. (Laughter.)

What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.

This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world -- the soaring

skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past. Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.

The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America's ties to this city -- and to this country -- stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.

In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse -- the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.

Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.

A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success -- because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China -- "[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different."

Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.

In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion -- today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.

In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time -- economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.

And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 "friendship cities" drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball -- I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.

It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty -- an accomplishment unparalleled in human history -- while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.

There is a Chinese proverb: "Consider the past, and you shall know the future." Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined -- not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.

And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding -- on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out -- we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.

I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.

Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles -- that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.

Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways -- over many years -- we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.

None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our

nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.

And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression_r_r_r and worship -- of access to information and political participation -- we believe are universal rights. They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities -- whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.

These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city -- and looking around this room -- I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.

In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research -- a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world's largest Internet user -- which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event. This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change -- and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China's future in you -- young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.

I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek -- all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another. And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations -- a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.

To return to the proverb -- consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people -- in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.

That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the

21st century. And I'm absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.

So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.

So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

So -- I just want to make sure this works. This is a tradition, by the way, that is very common in the United States at these town hall meetings. And what we're going to do is I will just -- if you are interested in asking a question, you can raise your hands. I will call on you. And then I will alternate between a question from the audience and an Internet question from one of the students who prepared the questions, as well as I think Ambassador Huntsman may have a question that we were able to obtain from the Web site of our embassy.

So let me begin, though, by seeing -- and then what I'll do is I'll call on a boy and then a girl and then -- so we'll go back and forth, so that you know it's fair. All right? So I'll start with this young lady right in the front. Why don't we wait for this microphone so everyone can hear you. And what's your name?

Q My name is (inaudible) and I am a student from Fudan University. Shanghai and Chicago have been sister cities since 1985, and these two cities have conduct a wide range of economic, political, and cultural exchanges. So what measures will you take to deepen this close relationship between cities of the United States and China? And Shanghai will hold the World Exposition next year. Will you bring your family to visit the Expo? Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, thank you very much for the question. I was just having lunch before I came here with the Mayor of Shanghai, and he told me that he has had an excellent relationship with the city of Chicago -- my home town -- that he's visited there twice. And I think it's wonderful to have these exchanges between cities.

One of the things that I discussed with the Mayor is how both cities can learn from each other on strategies around clean energy, because one of the issues that ties China and America together is how, with an expanding population and a concern for climate change, that we're able to reduce our carbon footprint. And obviously in the United States and many developed countries, per capita, per individual, they are already using much more energy than each individual here in China. But as China grows and expands, it's going to be using more energy as well. So both countries have a great interest in finding new strategies.

We talked about mass transit and the excellent rail lines that are being developed in Shanghai. I think we can learn in Chicago and the United States some of the fine work that's being done on high-speed rail.

In the United States, I think we are learning how to develop buildings that use much less energy, that are much more energy-efficient. And I know that with Shanghai, as I traveled and I saw all the cranes and all the new buildings that are going up, it's very important for us to start incorporating these new technologies so that each building is energy-efficient when it comes to lighting, when it comes to heating. And so it's a terrific opportunity I think for us to learn from each other.

I know this is going to be a major focus of the Shanghai World Expo, is the issue of clean

energy, as I learned from the Mayor. And so I would love to attend. I'm not sure yet what my schedule is going to be, but I'm very pleased that we're going to have an excellent U.S. pavilion at the Expo, and I understand that we expect as many as 70 million visitors here. So it's going to be very crowded and it's going to be very exciting.

Chicago has had two world expos in its history, and both of those expos ended up being tremendous boosts for the city. So I'm sure the same thing will happen here in Shanghai.

Thank you.

你们好。能够有机会在上海跟你们大家交谈，我深感荣幸。我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长，感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还要感谢我们出色的大使洪博培，他代表了我们两国之间的深远联系和相互尊重。我不知道他刚才说什么，但是希望他说得不错。（笑声）

我今天准备先做一个开场白，但我真正希望做的是回答问题，不但回答在座的学生提出的问题，同时也回答从网上提出的一些问题，这些问题由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提出。很抱歉，我的中文不如你们的英文，但我期待着这个和你们对话的机会。

这是我首次访问中国，看到你们壮丽的国家，我感到很兴奋。在上海，我们看到了全球瞩目的发展——高耸的大厦、繁忙的街道和如火如荼的商业活动。中国迈向21世纪的这些景象给我留下了深刻印象。同时，我也期盼看到向我们展现中国悠久历史的古迹。明天和后天我会在北京，希望有机会看到壮观的故宫和被誉为“奇迹”的长城。的确，这是一个既有丰富的历史，又对未来的希望充满信心的国家。

我们两国的关系也是如此。毫无疑问，上海在美中关系史上是一个具有重大意义的城市。正是在这里，37年前发布的《上海公报》（Shanghai Communique）开启了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新篇章。然而，美国与这个城市以及这个国家的纽带可以追溯到更久远的过去，直至美国独立初期。

1784年，我们的建国之父乔治·华盛顿派遣“中国女皇号”（Empress of China）驶往中国海岸，寻求与清朝通商。华盛顿希望看到这条悬挂美国国旗的船前往世界各地，与像中国这样的国家建立新的关系。这是美国人一贯的愿望——希望与新的国家建立新的、互利的伙伴关系。

在此后的两个世纪中，历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展，但即使在动荡的岁月中，两国人民也抓住机会发展了深入的、甚至极不平凡的关系。例如，美国人民永远不会忘记，二战期间，美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后，中国公民冒着失去一切的危险护理他们。参加过二战的中国老兵仍然热情欢迎故地重游的美国老兵，他们曾经在那里作战，帮助中国从殖民统治下获得解放。

近40年前，一个小小的乒乓球带来了两国关系的解冻，使我们两国建立起另一种联系。这种方式令人意外，但却恰恰促成了其成功，因为尽管我们之间存在许多分歧，但是我们共同的人性和共同的好奇心得以从中显现。正如一位美国乒乓球队员在回忆对中国的访问时所说：“那里的人民和我们一样……这个国家和美国有许多相似之处，也有很大区别。” 无须赘言，这个小小的契机带来了《上海公报》的问世，并最终促使美中两国在19xx年建立正式外交关系。请看在此后的30年，我们取得了多么长足的进展。

19xx年，美中贸易额约为50亿美元，今天，年度贸易额已经超过4000亿美元。贸易在许多方面影响着两国人民的生活，美国电脑中的许多元件以及我们所穿的衣服都是从中国进口的，我们向中国出口你们的工业需要的机器。这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更多的就业机会，让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。随着需求趋于平衡，双方的贸易能够让两国的经济更为繁荣。

19xx年，美中之间的政治合作主要立足于双方共同面对的竞争对手苏联。如今我们享有积极的、建设性的、全面的关系，为我们在当今时代的关键性全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门，这些问题包括：经济复苏和清洁能源开发、制止核武器扩散和气候变化的影响、在亚洲及全球各地促进和平与安全。所有这些问题都是我明天与胡主席会谈的内容。

19xx年，我们两国人民的联系十分有限。今天，我们看到当年乒乓球队员的好奇心已经化为许多领域的纽带，中国留学生在美国的人数名列第二，而在美国学生中，学中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市，把我们的社区连接在一起。美中科学家合作开展新的研究与探索。当然，姚明只是我们两国人民共同热爱篮球的其中一个标志——遗憾的是，此行我不能观看上海大鲨鱼队的比赛。

我们两国之间的关系相伴着一个积极变化的时期，这不是偶然的。中国实现了亿万人民脱贫，这一成就史无前例，同时，中国在全球问题中也在发挥更大的作用。美国在促使冷战顺利结束的同时，也取得了经济发展，人民的生活水平得到提高。

中国有句名言：“温故而知新。”当然，过去30年中我们也曾遇到挫折和挑战，我们的关系不是没有分歧和困难。但是，“我们必然是对手”的概念并非是注定不变的——回顾过去不会是这样。由于我们的合作，美中两国都更加繁荣、更加安全。我们已经看到我们本着共同的利益和相互的尊重去努力所能取得的成果。

可是，这种接触的成功取决于理解，取决于继续进行开诚布公的对话，相互了解，相互学习。正如前面提到的那位美国乒乓球队员所说——作为人，我们有着许多共同之处，但是我们两国在某些方面存在着差别。

我认为每个国家都必须规划自己的前进方向。中国是一个文明古国，文化深远。而美国相对而言是一个年轻的国家，它的文化由来自许多不同国家的移民以及指导我国民主制度的建国纲领所形成。这些纲领中提出了对人类事务的简单明了的瞩望，并包含了一些核心原则——不论男女人人生而平等，都享有某些基本权利；政府应当反映民意，并对人民的愿望作出回应；商贸应该是开放的，信息应该自由流通；司法保障应该来自法治而不是人治。

当然，我国的历史也并非没有困难的篇章。在很多方面，在很长的时间里，我们要通过斗争去实现这些原则对全体人民的承诺，缔造一个更趋完善的联邦。我们曾打过一场很痛苦的南北战争，将我国的一部分人口从奴役下解放出来。妇女获得投票权、劳工赢得组织权、来自世界各地的移民得到完全的接纳——这些都是经过了一段时间才实现的。非洲裔美国人即使在获得自由后依然生活在被隔离和不平等的条件下，他们经过不懈努力才最终赢得全面、平等的权利。

所有这些都不曾轻而易举。但是，由于我们对这些核心原则的坚定信念，我们取得了进步，这些原则指引我们冲过了最黑暗的风暴。这就是为什么林肯能在南北战争中挺

身而出并宣布，这是一场考验一个孕育于自由之中、“忠实于人人生而平等这一原则”的国家能否永存的斗争。这也就是为什么马丁·路德·金博士能够站立在林肯纪念堂的台阶上，要求我们的国家实践自身信仰的真正含义。这也就是为什么来自从中国到肯尼亚的各国移民能够在我国的土地上安家；为什么所有努力寻求机会的人都能获得机会；为什么像我这种在不到50年前在美国的某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人，现在能够出任这个国家的总统。

这就是为什么美国一直在全世界为这些核心原则而大声疾呼。我们不寻求把任何政治体制强加给任何别的国家，但是我们也不认为我们主张的这些原则是我们国家所独有的。表达自由和宗教信仰自由——获得信息和政治参与的自由——我们认为这些自由都是普世的权利，所有人都应当享有，包括少数民族和宗教少数派，不管是在美国、中国还是在任何其他国家。正是对普世权利的尊重指导着美国向其他国家开放，尊重各种不同的文化，致力于遵守国际法，并对未来抱有信念。

这些都是你们应当了解的美国的情况。我也知道中国有很多有待我们了解的情况。环顾一下这座伟大的城市——环顾一下这个大厅——我确信我们两个国家有一个很重要的共同点，那就是我们对未来的信念。美国和中国都不想满足于已取得的成就，止步不前。虽然中国是一个古老的国家，但你们显然也对未来满怀信心、雄心和使年轻一代能比这一代人更有作为的决心。

我们不但钦佩中国日益增长的经济，还赞赏你们在科学研究方面极不平凡的努力——从你们建设的基础设施到你们使用的技术，均体现出这种努力。中国现在是世界上最大的互联网使用国——这也是我们今天很高兴能把互联网作为此次活动的一部分的原因。这个国家目前拥有世界上最大的移动电话网络，它正在投资发展既能维持可持续增长，又能应对气候变化的新型能源——我期待着明天在这个至关重要的领域中深化两国的合作关系。然而，最重要的是，我在你们身上看到了中国的未来——年轻一代的聪明才智、献身精神和梦想将为塑造21世纪发挥巨大作用。

我已说过多次，我相信我们现在的世界是紧密相连的。我们所做的工作，我们所建设的繁荣，我们所保护的环境，以及我们所寻求的安全——所有这一切都是共有的。鉴于这种相互联系，在21世纪，权力不应再成为一场零和游戏；一国的成功发展不应以他国为代价。这也就是为什么美国坚决表示我们不谋求遏制中国的崛起。恰恰相反，我们欢迎中国成为国际社会中一个强大、繁荣、成功的成员——一个从你们这样的每个中国人的权利、实力和创造力中获得力量的中国。

回到前面提到的那句古语——回顾过去。我们知道，大国之间选择合作而非对抗会带来更大的惠益。这是人类不断汲取的一个教训，我们两国的关系史中也不乏其例。我深信，合作必须不止于政府间的合作。合作必须植根于我们的人民——植根于我们共同进行的研究，我们的商贸活动，我们所学到的知识，乃至我们的体育运动。这些桥梁必须由你们这样的年轻人和美国的年轻人共同构筑。

因此，我高兴地宣布，美国准备将在中国留学的美国学生人数大幅度增加到10万人。这种交流是对在我们两国人民之间建立联系的明确承诺，毫无疑问，你们将帮助决定21世纪的命运。我完全相信，对美·来说，再好的使者莫过于我们的年轻人。因为他们和你们一样，才华横溢，充满活力，对有待书写的历史篇章充满乐观。

那么，就让这个举措成为我们稳步寻求合作的下一个步骤，这种合作有利于我们两国乃至整个世界。如果能从今天的对话中得到一点启示的话，我希望那就是致力于今后继续进行这种对话。

非常感谢诸位。现在我希望回答你们大家提出的一些问题。非常感谢。

Mother Teresa - Accepting Nobel Peace Prize （1979）

“I choose the poverty of our poor people.

But I am grateful to receive （the Nobel Prize） in the name of the hungry, the naked, the homeless, of the crippled, of the blind, of the lepers, of all those people who feel unwanted, unloved, uncared-for throughout society,岁月无痕, people that have become a burden to the society and are shunned by everyone.”

Also as soon as she learned about the plan for a dinner on her honor she politely asked for the dinner to be cancelled to save the money to feed the poor.

As we have gathered here together to thank God for the Nobel Peace Prize, I think it will be beautiful that we pray the prayer of St. Francis of Assisi which always surprises me very much . We pray this prayer every day after Holy Communion, because it is very fitting for each one of us.

And I always wonder that 400-500 years ago when St. Francis of Assisi composed this prayer, they had the same difficulties that we have today as we

compose this prayer that fits very nicely for us also. I think some of you already have got it - so we pray together: Let us thank God for the opportunity that we all have together today, for this gift of peace that reminds us that we have been created to live that peace, and that Jesus became man to bring that good news to the poor. He, being God, became man in all things like us except in sin, and he

proclaimed very clearly that he had come to give the good news. The news was peace to all of good will and this is something that we all want - the peace of heart. Ad God loved the world so much that he gave his son - it was a giving: it is as much as if to say it hurt God to give, because he loved the world so much that he gave his son. He gave him to the Virgin Mary, and what did she do with him?

As soon as he came in her life, immediately she went in haste to give that good news, and as she came into the house of her cousin, the child - the child in the womb of Elizabeth, lept with joy. He was, that little unborn child was, the first messenger of peace. He recognized the Prince of Peace, he recognized that Christ had come to bring the good news for you and for me.

And as if that was not enough - it was not enough to become a man - he died on the cross to show that greater love, and he died for you and for me and for that leper and for that man dying of hunger and that naked person lying in the street not only of Calcutta, but of Africa, and New York, and London, and Oslo - and insisted that we love one another as he loves each one of us.

And we read that in the Gospel very clearly: “love as I have loved you; as I love you; as the Father has loved me, I love you.” And the harder the Father loved him, he gave him to us, and how much we love one another, we too must give to each other until it hurts. It is not enough for us to say: “I love God, but I do not love my neighbor.” Saint John says that you are a liar if you say you love God and you don't love your neighbor.

How can you love God whom you do not see, if you do not love your neighbor whom you see, whom you touch, with whom you live? And so this is very important for us to realize that love, to be true, has to hurt. It hurt Jesus to love us. It hurt him. And to make sure we remember his great love, he made himself the bread of life to satisfy our hunger for his love - our hunger for God - because we have been created for that love. We have been created in his image.

We have been created to love and to be loved, and he has become man to

make it possible for us to love as he loved us. He makes himself the hungry one, the naked one, the homeless one, and he says: “ You did it to me”. he is hungry for our love, and this is the hunger that you and I must find. It may be in our own home. I never forget an opportunity I had in visiting a home where they had all these old parents of sons and daughters who had just put them in an institution and forgotten, maybe.

And I went there, and I saw in that home they had everything, beautiful things, but everybody was looking towards the door. And I did not see a singe one with a smile on their face. And I turned to the sister and I asked: How is that? How is that these people who have everything here, why are they all looking towards the door? Why are they not smiling? I am so used to see the smiles on our people, even the dying ones smile. And she said: “This is nearly every day.

They are expecting, they are hoping that a son or daughter will come to visit

them. They are hurt because they are forgotten.” And see - this is where love comes. That poverty comes right there in our own home, even neglect to love. Maybe in our own family we have somebody who is feeling lonely, who is feeling sick, who is feeling worried, and there are difficult days for everybody. Are we there?

Are we there to Receive them? Is the mother there to receive the child? I was surprised in the West to see so many young boys and girls given into drugs. And I tried to find out why. Why is it like that? And the answer was: “Because there is no one in the family to receive them.” Father and mother are so busy they have no time.

Young parents are in some institution and the child goes back to the street and gets involved in something.

We are talking of peace. These are things that break peace. But I feel the greatest destroyer of peace today is abortion, because it is a direct war, a direct killing, direct murder by the mother herself. And we read in the scripture, for God says very clearly: “Even if a mother could forget her child, I will not forget you. I have curved you in the palm of my hand.” We are curved in the palm of his hand; so close to him, that unborn child has been curved in the hand of God.

And that is what strikes me most, the beginning of that sentence, that even if a mother could forget, something impossible - but even if she could forget - I will not forget you. And today the greatest means, the greatest destroyer of peace is abortion. And we who are standing here - our parents wanted us. We would not be here if our parents would do that to us. Our children, we want them, we love them.

But what of the other millions. Many peopleare very, very concerned with the children of India, with the children of Africa where quite a number die, maybe of

malnutrition, of hunger and so on, but millions are dying deliberately by the will of the mother. And this is what is the greatest destroyer of peace today. Because if a

mother can kill her own child, what is left for me to kill you and you to kill me? There is nothing between. And this I appeal in India, I appeal everywhere - “Let us bring the child back” - and this year being the child's year: What have we done for the child? At the beginning of the year I told, I spoke everywhere and I said: let us ensure this year that we make every single child born, and unborn, wanted. And today is the end of the year. Have we really made the children wanted? I will tell you something terrifying. We are fighting abortion by adoption. We have saved thousands of lives. We have sent word to all the clinics, to the hospitals, police stations: “Please don't destroy the child; we will take the child”.

So every hour of the day and night there is always somebody - we have quite a number of unwedded mothers - tell them: “Come, we will take care of you, we will take care of the child from you, and we will get a home for the child”. And we have a tremendous demand for families who have no children, that is the blessing of God for us. And also, we are doing another thing which is very beautiful. We are teaching our beggars, our leprosy patients, our slum dwellers, our people of the street, natural family planning.

And in Calcutta alone in six years - it is all in Calcutta - we have had 61 273 babies less from the families who would have had them because they practice this natural way of abstaining, of self-control, out of love for each other. We teach them the temperature method which is very beautiful, very simple. And our poor people understand. And you know what they have told me? “Our family is healthy, our family is united, and we can have a baby whenever we want”.

So clear - those people in the street, those beggars - and I think that if our people can do like that how much more you and all the others who can know the ways and means without destroying the life that God has created in us. The poor people are very great people. They can teach us so many beautiful things. The other day one of them came to thank us and said: “You people who have evolved chastity; you are the best people to teach us family planning because it is nothing more than self-control out of love for each other.”

And I think they said a beautiful sentence. And these are people who maybe have nothing to eat, maybe they have not a home where to live, but they are great people. The poor are very wonderful people. One evening we went out and we picked up four people from the street. And one of them was in a most terrible

condition. And I told the sisters: “You take care of the other three; I will take care of this one that looks worse.” So I did for her all that my love can do. I put her in bed, and there was such a beautiful smile on her face.

She took hold of my hand, as she said one word only: “thank you” - and she died. I could not help but examine my conscience before her. And I asked: “What would I say if I was in her place?” And my answer was very simple. I would have tried to draw a little attention to myself. I would have said: “I am hungry, I am dying, I am cold, I am in pain”, or something. But she gave me much more - she gave me her grateful love.

And she died with a smile on her face - like that man who we picked up from the drain, half eaten with worms, and we brought him to the home - “I have lived like an animal in the street, but I am going to die like an angel, loved and cared for.” And it was so wonderful to see the greatness of that man who could speak like that, who could die like that without blaming, without cursing anybody, without comparing anything. Like an angel - this is the greatness of our people.

And this is why we believe what Jesus has said: “I was hungry; I was naked, I was homeless; I was unwanted, unloved, uncared for - and you did it to me.” I believe that we are not really social workers. We may be doing social work in the eyes of people. But we are really contemplatives in the heart of the world. For we are touching the body of Christ twenty-four hours. We have twenty-four hours in his

presence, and so you and I. You too must try to bring that presence of God into your family, for the family that prays together stays together.

And I think that we in our family, we don't need bombs and guns, to destroy or to bring peace - just get together, love one another, bring that peace, that joy, that strength of presence of each other in the home. And we will be able to overcome all the evil that is in the world. There is so much suffering, so much hatred, so much misery, and we with our prayer, with our sacrifice are beginning at home. Love begins at home, and it is not how much we do, but how much love we put in the

action that we do.

It is to God almighty - how much we do does not matter, because he is infinite, but how much love we put in action. How much we do to him in the person that we are serving. Some time ago in Calcutta we had great difficulty in getting sugar. And I don't know how the word got around to the children, and a little boy of four years old, a Hindu boy, went home and told his parents: “I will not eat sugar for three days. I will give my sugar to Mother Teresa for her children.” After these three days his father and mother brought him to our house. I had never met them before, and this little one could scarcely pronounce my name. But he knew exactly what he had come to do. He knew that he wanted to share his love. And this is why I have received such a lot of love from all. From the time that I have come here I have simply been surrounded with love, and with real, real understanding love.

It could feel as if everyone in India, everyone in Africa is somebody very special for to you. And I felt quite home, I was telling Sister today. If feel in the convent with the Sisters as if I am in Calcutta with my own Sisters. So completely at home here, right here. And so here I am talking with you. I want you to find the poor here, right in your own home first. And begin love there. Be that good news to your own people. And find out about your next-door neighbor.

Do you know who they are? I had the most extraordinary experience with a Hindu family who had eight children. A gentleman came to our house and said:

“Mother Teresa, there is a family with eight children; they have not eaten for so long; do something”. So I took some rice and I went there immediately. And I saw the children - their eyes shining with hunger. I don't know if you have ever seen hunger. But I have seen it very often.

And she took the rice, she divided the rice, and she went out. When she came back I asked her: “Where did you go, what did you do?” And she gave me a very simple answer: “They are hungry also”. What struck me most was that she knew - and who are they? a Muslim family - and she knew. I didn't bring more rice that evening because I wanted them to enjoy the joy of sharing. But there were those children radiating joy, sharing the joy with their mother because she had the love to give.

And you see this is where love begins - at home. And I want you - and I am very grateful for what I have received. It has been a tremendous experience and I go back to India - I will be back by next week, the 15th I hope, and I will be able to bring your love. And I know well that you have not given from your abundance, but you have given until it has hurt you. Today the little children, they gave - I was so surprised - there is so much joy for the children that are hungry.

That the children like themselves will need love and get so much from their

parents. So let us thank God that we have ha this opportunity to come to know each other, and that this knowledge of each other has brought us very close. And we will be able to help the children of the whole world, because as you know our Sisters are all over the world. And with this prize that I have received as a prize of peace, I am going to try to make the home for many people that have no home.

Because I believe that love begins at home, and if we can create a home for the poor, I think that more and more love will spread. And we will be able through this understanding love to bring peace, be the good news to the poor. The poor in our own family first, in our country and in the world. To be able to do this, our Sisters, our lives have to be woven with prayer. They have to be woven with Christ to be able to understand, to be able to share. Today, there is so much suffering and I feel that the passion of Christ is being relived all over again.

Are we there to share that passion, to share that suffering of people - around the world, not only the poor countries. But I found the poverty of the West so much more difficult to remove. When I pick up a person from the street, hungry, I give him a plate of rice, a piece of bread, I have satisfied. I have removed that hunger. But a person that is shut out, that feels unwanted, unloved, terrified, the person that has been thrown out from society - that poverty is so hurtful and so much, and I find that very difficult.

Our Sisters are working amongst that kind of people in the West. So you must pray for us that we may be able to be that good news. We cannot do that without you. You have to do that here in your country. You must come to know the poor. Maybe our people her have material things, everything, but I think that if we all look into our own homes, how difficult we find it sometimes to smile at each other, and that the smile is the beginning of love.

And so let us always meet each other with a smile, for the smile is the beginning of love, and once we begin to love each other, naturally we want to do something. So you pray for our Sisters and for me and for our Brothers, and for our Co-Workers that are around the world. Pray that we may remain faithful to the gift of God, to love him and serve him in the poor together with you.

What we have done we would not have been able to do if you did not share with your prayers, with your gifts, this continual giving. But I don't want you to give me from your abundance. I want you to give me until it hurts. The other day I received from a man who has been on his back for twenty years and the only part that he can move is his right hand. And the only companion that he enjoys is smoking.

And he said to me: “I do not smoke for one week, and I send you this money.” It must have been a terrible sacrifice for him but see how beautiful, how he shared.

And with that money I brought bread and I gave to those who are hungry with a joy on both sides. He was giving and the poor were receiving.

This is something you and I can do - it is a gift of God to us to be able to share our love with others. And let it be able to share our love with others. And let it be as it was for Jesus. Let us love one another as he loved us. Let us love him with undivided love. And the joy of loving him and each other - let us give now that Christmas is coming so close. Let us keep that joy of loving Jesus in our hearts, and share that joy with all that we come in touch with.

That radiating joy with all that we come in touch with. That radiating joy is real, for we have no reason not to be happy because we have Christ with us. Christ in our hearts, Christ in the poor that we meet, Christ in the smile that we give and the smile that we receive. Let us make that one point - that no child will be unwanted and also that we meet each other always with a smile, especially when it is difficult to smile. I never forget some time ago about fourteen professors came from the United States from different universities. And they came to Calcutta to our house. Then we were talking about the fact that they had been to the home for the dying. （We have a home for the dying in Calcutta, where we have picked up more than 36 000 people only from the streets of and out of that big number more than 18 000 have died a beautiful death. They have just gone home to God）。 And they came to our house and we talked of love, of compassion.

And then one of them asked me: “Say, Mother, please tell us something that we will remember”. And I said to them: “Smile at each other, make time for each other in your family. Smile at each other.” And then another one asked me: “Are you married?” and I said: “Yes, and I find it sometimes very difficult to smile at Jesus because he can be very demanding sometimes”. This is really something true. And there is where love comes - when it is demanding, and yet we can give it to him with joy.

Just as I have said today, I have said that if I don't go to heaven for anything else I will be going to heaven for all the publicity because it has purified me and sacrificed me and made me really ready to go to heaven. I think that this is something, that we must live life beautifully, we have Jesus with us and he loves us. If we could only remember that God loves us, and we have an opportunity to love others as he loves us, not in big things, but i small things with great love, then Norway becomes a nest of love.

And how beautiful it will be that from here a center for peace from war has been given. That from here the joy of life of the unborn child comes out. If you become a burning light of peace in the world, then really the Nobel Peace Prize is a gift of the Norwegian people.

God bless you! You will get credit for it.

在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖大会上的演讲

特蕾莎

感谢上帝给我们在这里聚会的机会，为我们带来诺贝尔和平奖，我想我们在这里共同用圣芳济一章祷文来祈祷一定是非常适宜的。我们每天接受圣餐后，都要用这段祷文来祈祷，因为它适合于我们每一个人。我总想弄明白的是，四、五百年以前当圣芳济撰写这段祷文时，当时的人们一定遇到了和我们今天一样的困难，我们将这段祷文修改得更加适合今天的状况。我想在场的大多数人都已经有了这份祷文，让我们共同来祈祷：感谢上帝刚给我们机会，让我们大家今天聚在一起，和平奖的获得告诉我们，我们生来就是要为和平而生存，它也告诉我们，基督除了没有原罪外，他和我们简直没有两样，他明确地告诉大家，他给众人带来了一个喜讯。

这个喜讯就是所有善良的人所期盼的和平的愿望，也是我们都欲得到的--一颗维护和平的心。上帝是如此热爱我们这个世界，他不惜将自己的儿子都贡献出来，当然，这对他是件非常痛苦的事情；上帝是忍受何等的痛苦，才将自己的儿子贡献给我们这个世界啊。然而，当他将自己的独生子送给少女玛利亚时，她又是如何对待基督呢？当他闯入她的生活中时，她厌恶将这个喜讯传播给世人。当她走进她的表兄家时，这个未出世的孩子已经在她的腹中欢跃。这个孩子便是第一个为我们带来和平讯息的使者。他，这个名叫基督的人认识和平王子，他把和平带给你，带给我。但是作为男子汉的他仍嫌做的不够，他用被钉死在十字架上的悲壮行动，来向我们表示他对我们伟大的爱，他是为你，为我，为那些身患麻风病，为那些因饥饿而将死的人，为那些赤裸着身体横卧在加尔各答和其他城市的大街上的穷人，为在非洲、纽约、伦敦和奥斯陆的穷人而献身。他用他的死来劝告我们相互同情、互相爱戴。福音书中讲的非常清楚：“像我爱你们一样去爱；像我的父亲爱我一样去爱。我爱你们。”他的父亲正是因为深深地爱着他，才把他贡献出来。我们彼此间也应该互相爱戴，应该像上帝对待他儿子那样，彼此将爱心贡献出来。如果我们说“我爱上帝，但是我不爱我的邻居”，这是远远不够的。圣约翰说“如果你说只爱上帝，不爱邻居，那么你就是一个说谎的人。”如果连每日相见，彼此接触，和你住在一起的邻居都不爱的话，那你怎么能爱一个看不见的上帝呢？所以，对我们来说，重要的是去认识爱的含义。爱是实实在在的，是痛苦的。

基督忍受了极大的痛苦来爱我们，爱使他受难。我们一定要牢牢地记住他的爱。他将自己变成面包来让我们充饥，就是让我们满足对上帝的饥渴，因为我们生来就是要体验这种爱，我们生来就是要爱别人，被别人爱。基督之所以变成一个男子汉来爱我们，就是要我们尽可能地像他爱我们那样去爱别人。他故意把自己扮成一个饥饿的人、一个衣不蔽体无家可归的人、一个病人或者一个犯人，或者一个孤独的人、被遗弃的人。他对我们说：“是你们拯救了我。”他渴求我们对他的爱，就如同穷人们渴求我们对他们的爱是一样的。我们一定要了解这种饥渴，也许这样的饥渴恰好发生在我们自己的家里。

我永远也不会忘记曾经访问过的一家养老院。这家养老院里的老人都是儿女将他们送来的。尽管这里的生活用品一应俱全，甚至还有点奢华，但是这些老年人却都坐

在院子里，眼睛盯着大门看。他们的脸上没有一丝笑容。我转向一位老姐姐，问她：“这是怎么回事？为什么这些衣食不愁的人总是望着大门？为什么他们脸上没有笑容？”

我已经太习惯看到人们脸上的笑容，甚至那些挂在垂死的人脸上的笑容。但是在这里，我看到的是一种对爱心的乞盼。那位老姐姐对我说：“这里几乎天天都是如此，他们每天都在乞盼着，盼望他们的儿女来看望他们。他们的心受到了极大的刺伤，因为他们是被遗忘的人。”瞧，这就是世上存在的另一个种贫乏，被爱心遗忘的贫乏。也许这样的贫乏已经悄悄来到我们的身边和我们的家庭中。也许就在我们自己的家庭中，已经有成员感到孤独。也许他们的心已经受到伤害，或许他们处于某种焦虑不安的状态。如果有这样的事情发生，可能我们家庭中的其他成员或多或少都会有些烦恼。类似的事情是否已经存在我们的家庭呢？如果是，我们又如何来包容那些心里感到孤独的家庭成员呢？假如你是母亲的话，你是否能宽容自己的孩子呢？西方国家最令我吃惊的，是许多男孩、女孩的吸毒的现象。我总想搞明白这个问题究竟是谁造成的，为什么会出现这样的事情？我对这个问题的答案恐怕是：因为他们家庭中没有人宽容、善待他们。他们的父母也许因为工作太忙而没有时间照顾他们，可能一些年轻的父母过分忙于事务，致使孩子在街头游荡，甚至染上了恶习。我们今天在谈论和平，而这些事情恰恰都会破坏和平。

我们读圣经时，会读到上帝说过的一句话：“即便是一个母亲遗弃了她的孩子，我也不能遗弃你们。我要将你们握在掌心里保护你们。”我们被上帝保护在他的掌心中，我们是如此地贴近他，就像是未出生的孩子蜷卧在他的掌心里。我们可以这样分析这句话，前面的部分谈到“即便是一个母亲遗弃了她的孩子??”按照常理说，这简直是不可能发生的事。然而他在后面又说：“即便??，我也不能遗弃你们。”这后一句尤其使我感动。这是一句深深地撼动我心灵的至理名言。

我们今天之所以能聚在这个地方，全是靠了我们的父母，因为他们需要我们。如果他们不想要我们的话，我们绝不会在这个世界上生存。

我们需要自己的孩子，我们爱自己的孩子。然而还有其他数以百万计的人，他们是怎么想的呢？今天的印度有许许多多的人在关怀着孩子们的成长，而在非洲却有许多孩子正在死于营养不良或饥饿??我在此向人们呼吁，向全世界人们呼吁--“让我们夺回孩子的生命”，因为这个时代是孩子们的时代。今年是保护儿童年。今年年初，我曾经讲过，我们都为孩子们做了些什么呢？我逢人便讲：“让我们在这一年里保证每一个孩子的顺利出生。我们需要那些未出生的孩子。今天是今年的最后一天。我们是否确实做到了这一点呢？我要告诉你们一件令人震憾的事。我们用领养的方式开展了向堕胎的斗争。我们挽救了成千上万的小生命。我们靠医疗站、医院和警察局来向人们发出通告：”请不要虐杀孩子，我们收养这些孩子。“于是，一天中的每一小时都会有人给那些未婚先孕的妇女打电话，通知她们”请到我们这里来，我们会照顾你，我们将收养你的孩子，给孩子找一个良好的家庭。“上帝保佑，我们找到了许多需要领养孩子的家庭。此外，我们还做了一件漂亮事。我们将许多街头流浪的人、乞丐召集起来，给他们上课，组织他们按照我们的计划组成自然家庭，并收养被遗弃的小孩。 在加尔各答仅仅6年的时间里，这样的自然家庭就收留了61273个弃婴。鉴于自然家庭往往以自我约束、自我控制的方式存在，它有其独特的好处。我们对自然家庭

的成员开展了”升温爱心法“的培训。这种方法即简单又易行。那些穷人通过培训，很快就知道如何去做。你想知道这些人后来怎样对我说吗？这些街头流浪的乞丐们明确地告诉我：”我们的家庭是健康、团结的。无论在什么地方，我们都可以随时收留被遗弃的婴儿。“我以为如果大家都能这样做，都明白用什么方法去救助弃婴的话，上帝为我们创造的生活就不会遭到破坏。

穷人们是伟大的。他们能教给我们许多美好的习惯。有一天，一些穷人找到我们，向我们表示感谢。他们说：”你们搞慈善的人是最好的人。你们帮我们制定家庭计划，教我们开展计划，因为再没有比自我约束、互相友爱更重要的事了。“他们淳朴的话是最美丽、最生动的语言。也许这些缺吃少穿，甚至没有一个固定的家，但是他们都是伟大的人。

穷人是非常可爱的人。有一天，我们从街上收容了四个无家可归的人，其中一个人看起来情况非常糟糕。我对修女们说：”你们去照顾那三个人，我来看护这个病人。“我用全部爱心和所能做到的一切去抚慰这个可怜的人。我扶着她躺在床上。她的脸上露出了美丽的笑容。她紧紧拉着我的手，感激地说了一句话：”谢谢你。“然后闭上眼睛死去了。

我在她面前禁不住对自己反思。我问自己：”如果把我换成她，我会说什么呢？“我可能会说：”我很饿，我快要死了。我很冷，我浑身都在疼。“或者其他什么话。然而她的话却教给了我很多很多，她给了我崇高的爱。她带着安祥的微笑死去了。再举一个例子：一天，我们从阴沟里救起一个人。当时他的半个身体都被蛆虫吃掉了。我们把他带到救济所，他说：”我在街上过着猪狗不如的生活，但是我将像一个天使一样死去，去接受上帝的爱和呵护。“一个穷人能说出这样的话，足以看到他内心的伟大，他的品德是非常令人感动的。他临死前并没有诅咒任何人，没有说过别人的坏话，也没有去和其他任何人攀比，他就像一个纯洁的天使。这就是我们人民的伟大之所在。这也是基督为什么说：”我曾经赤身裸体、无家可归、没有食物；我被人遗弃、遭人唾骂、受人冷落，是你们帮助了我。“我认为，我们不是真正的社会工作者，也许我们只是做着一些社会工作。但我们却是这个世界上真正具有深刻思想的人，因为我们每天二十四小时都和基督在一起，和他交流。你和我，我们大家都要将基督带到自己的家中，因为我们和家人一同生活，也应该共同祈祷。我认为，在我们的家庭中不需要用暴力换取和平，我们所要做的，相聚在一起、相互爱戴，用爱心为我们带来和平，带来欢乐，带来相互鼓舞的力量。只有这样，我们才能战胜世上的邪恶。我们要用祈祷、用我们真诚的奉献，从家庭开始，消除那些痛苦、怨恨和悲哀。我们提倡的”爱从家庭开始“并不是要看我们做了多少事情，而是要看我们在做的过程中融入了多少爱，看我们为基督做出了多少贡献。

前一段时间，我们在加尔各答遇到的最大困难，是买不到白糖。我不知道这事怎样传到孩子们的耳朵里。一个四岁的印度男孩回家后对他的父母说：”从今天开始，我三天不吃糖。我要把我的那份糖给特蕾莎嬷嬷的孩子们。“三天以后，孩子的爸爸妈妈陪着孩子来到我们这里。我从前从未见过他们。那个小男孩甚至连我的名字都叫不准，但是他非常明白是来做什么的。他知道他想要别人分享他的爱心。

这些事就是使我得到爱心的感受和体会。自从我来到这里后，就一直被爱的气氛包围着，我一直沐浴在真诚理解的爱心中。在这里，无论是来自非洲的人，还是来自

印度的人，都有一种融入特殊氛围的感觉，是回到自己家的感觉。我觉得，自己好像又回到加尔各答，和修女们在一起，我们是在一个真正的大家庭里。

我在这里要对你们讲，要你们在这里发现贫乏，发现你们家中的贫乏，然后将爱灌输到贫乏之处，从灌输爱心做起。请把这个喜讯带到你们家人那里，带到你们的邻居中去，去真正认识他们。我曾经结识了一个印度家庭，这个家庭有八个孩子。从和这个家庭的接触中，我有一些非常感人的收获。一天，一位先生来到我们的住处。他说：”特蕾莎嬷嬷，一个有八个孩子的家庭已经断炊好几天了，请帮帮他们。“听了他的话，我马上给这个家庭送去了一些大米。孩子们看到大米眼睛都睁得大大的，眼睛里还闪着兴奋的光。我不知道你们是否见过饥饿的人的眼睛，但是我太熟悉这些眼睛了。当那位母亲接过大米后，立即把它分成两份，然后就出去了。当她回来后，我问她：”你去了哪里？做什么去了呢？“她简单地回答说：”他们也在挨饿。“原来她的邻居是一个穆斯林家庭，这个家庭也正在受着饥饿的煎熬。所以她把我送给她的米分了一半出去。这件事深深地感动了我。但我再没有给那个穆斯林家庭送过米。这样做的原因，是我想让她们分享相互帮助的快乐和美好。家庭中的孩子们从母亲那里得到快乐，他们和母亲共同享受着生活的乐趣，因为他们有母亲的爱,点读机。你瞧，这就是爱的发源地，爱的源头出自家庭。

我们都应该为我们这个世界上有这样的人感到欢乐。我将于15日返回印度，那时我要把这里的经历带回去，把你们的爱带回到印度去。

我很清楚，在座的各位做不到将家产倾其所有去布施穷人，我们也不需要大家这样做。我们希望各位，尽你们所能来帮助我们的事业。令我惊喜的是，穷人家忍饥挨饿的孩子虽然过着难挨的日子，但是他们还是一样欢乐，而且把欢乐带给他们的父母。对于我们来说，身为人之父母，我们不仅要满足孩子们生活的必需品，而且还要给予他们极大的爱。

让我们感谢上帝赋予我们这个机会，使我们大家相聚在这里，是我们共同的语言把我们紧紧地连结一起。我们将共同携手去帮助全世界的儿童，因为我们的修女已经遍布世界各地。我将用获得的和平奖奖金为无家可归的人建立一所救济院，将爱心从这里不断地延伸。我们一定要把和平传给世人，让他们理解我们的爱。要让所有贫穷和贫乏的人都知道这个喜讯，把这个喜讯传到自己的家中，传到我们的国家和整个世界。要做到这一点，我们的修女，我们所有的人都要不断地祈祷。我们用祈祷和上帝交流，以此达到相互理解和共识。我相信，我们一定能够让全世界都了解慈善会的工作和热情，并让我们唤起全世界人民的热情，共同分担世界上贫苦人民的疾苦。我感到，这件事在贫困国家中容易做到，但是在西方国家，我们还有许多问题有待解决。 我在大街上遇到穷人时，会给他一碗米饭或一片面包，我有一种满足感，因为我已经尽了责任，我帮他解除了饥饿。但是对他而言，他是一个无家可归、被社会的大门所拒绝、被遗弃、遭唾骂、受威胁的人，这样的贫穷对他来说是伤害最大的，也是我们使他们摆脱贫穷最难做的事情。我们有许多修女在西方国家正在从事这项工作。 请你们为我们祈祷，将我们所开展的事业的喜讯传到各个地方。我们需要你们这样做。你们应该在自己的国家里逐渐了解贫困和贫乏的人，也许我们在座的各位并不

为生活发愁，但是如果我们审视一下自己的家庭生活，我们就会发现，有时家人之间相互微笑也是件不容易的事。那么就让我们从相互微笑来开始我们爱的传播吧。

所以，让我们见面时彼此微笑致意。微笑是爱的开端。一旦我们彼此有了爱心，我们就要去做一些事情。请为我们的修女、为我、为我们的修士和分布在世界各地的教友们祈祷。为我们全身心地信仰上帝交给我们的使命祈祷，为你我共同热爱上帝、侍奉上帝、扶助穷困祈祷。如果你们不能和我们共同承担这个使命，恐怕我们的事业也不能很好地发展下去，但是我并不想看到你们倾家荡产。我只要你们尽其所能。 前几天，我从一个瘫痪二十年的病人那里收到十五美元的捐款。这个人全身能活动的部分只有右手。他唯一的嗜好是吸烟。这个人对我说：”我一星期没有吸烟，现在我把省下来的钱交给你们。“这样的贡献对他来说一定是经历了非常痛苦的煎熬，但是他为分担拯救贫困人们的行动是多么壮丽啊。我用这笔钱为那些正在挨饿的穷人们买了面包，使捐赠者和接受捐赠的人都感到非常快乐。

上帝赐给我们每个人的礼物是要我们互相爱戴。我们都可以用上帝的礼物做我们能做到的事情。让我们为了基督施与他人爱心吧。让我们像他爱我们一样互相爱戴。让我们用无私的爱去爱他。让我们在圣诞节即将到来之际基督、为我们彼此献出我们的爱。

让我们的心中保持对基督的爱，和所有我们接触过的人共同分享他的爱。传播到大众中间的欢欣是实实在在的，因为我们和基督在一起，没有什么理由不使我们欢欣鼓舞。基督存在于我们的心中，他就在我们所遇到的穷人中间。基督是我们送给他人的微笑和他人带给我们的微笑。愿我们拥有一个共同的观点，决不使一个孩子被遗弃；无论面对什么样的恶劣环境，我们都要保持微笑。

我永远不会忘记不久前的一件事。有14位来自美国不同大学的教授来到加尔各答，参观我们的救济院。在交谈过程中，他们谈到了对刚刚参观过的一家临终慰藉所的感受。（我们在加尔答开设了一家临终慰藉所，从街头收留过三万六千人，其中一万八千人安祥地死在临终慰藉所里，他们已经回到了上帝的家园。）其中有一位教授问我：”特蕾莎嬷嬷，请给我留下一句让我永远难忘的话。“我对他说：”彼此微笑保持家庭的和谐气氛，彼此和睦相处。“

另一位教授问我：”你结婚了吗？“我说：”是的。我有时感觉面对基督微笑是一件很难的事情，因为他耗费的精力太多了。“为的确是事实。耗费精力多的地方，

就是爱的发源地。即便如此，我们也应该将我们的欢乐送给他。 正如我今天所讲过的， 我上天堂不为别的，我是为了大众而上天堂，因为大众净化了我的心，我所作出的奉献可以让我安然地面对上帝了。我认为，我们一定要为美好的生活而生活。我们和基督同在，因为他爱我们。我们只要记着上帝是爱我们的，我们就会像他爱我们那样去爱他人。不为大而爱，只为琐细的爱。从细微的小事中体现博大的爱。我们要以挪威为中心，将爱传播到整个世界，让战争远离我们。如此，那些待出生的婴儿就会欢叫着来到人间。我们把自己变成传播世界和平的火种，挪威的诺贝尔和平奖将会真正是献给和平的厚礼。

愿上帝保佑你们。