英文中文对照格式

Then someone has said: 'Since the Revolution the people has gained Rights. The people govern!' Strange! The people has now been ruling three years and no one has in practice once asked its opinion. Treaties were signed which will hold us down for centuries: and who has signed the treaties? The people? No! Governments which one fine day presented themselves as Governments. And at their election the people had nothing to do save to consider the question: there they are already, whether I elect them or not. If we elect them, then they are there through our election. But since we are a self-governing people, we must elect the folk in order that they may be elected to govern us.

然后又有人说：“革命以后，人民掌握了权利，国家由人民统治！”这还真是天方夜谭！迄今为止人民已经统治三年，可惜从来没有谁问过人民的意见。签署的这些条约足以让我们落后几百年：是谁签署了这些条约？人民？不是！是某天政府自己代表政府签署的！在政府选举的时候，人民根本就没有考虑的余地：我选不选他们，他们都已经在那个位子上了。如果我选了他们，那么他们就是通过我们选举的。不过既然我们是一个自治的民族，那我们还是得选一个家伙来统治我们。 Then it was said, 'Freedom has come to us through the Revolution.' Another of those things that one cannot see very easily! It is of course true that one can walk down the street, the individual can go into his workshop and he can go out again: here and there he can go to a meeting. In a word, the individual has liberties. But in general, if he is wise, he will keep his mouth shut. For if in former times extraordinary care was taken that no one should let slip anything which could be treated as lèse-majesté, now a man must take much greater care that he doesn't say anything which might represent an insult to the majesty of a member of Parliament.

然后人们又说：“通过革命我们获得了自由。”显而易见，这也是不可能的！没错，我们的确可以上街，进出我们的工场，我们还可以四处参加会议。简而言之，个人确实是获得了自由。但是大体上来说，如果一个人足够聪明，他最好不要随便开口说话。因为如果在过去，一个人不小心说错什么话会被冠以“欺君之罪”，而今天他们则需要更加小心，千万不要不小心说了什么可能侮辱到那些议会成员的话。

And if we ask who was responsible for our misfortune, then we must inquire who profited by our collapse. And the answer to that question is that 'Banks and Stock

Exchanges are more flourishing than ever before.' We were told that capitalism would be destroyed, and when we ventured to remind one or other of these famous statesmen and said 'Don't forget hat Jews too have capital,' then the answer was: 'What are you worrying about? Capitalism as a whole will now be destroyed, the whole people will now be free.

We are not fighting Jewish or Christian capitalism, we are fighting very capitalism: we are making the people completely free.'

如果我们要问是谁导致了我们的不幸，那么我们就要问问是谁得益于我们的失败。而这个问题的答案就是“银行和股票交易得到了空前的繁荣”。他们告诉我们：资本主义会被打倒，而当我们鼓起勇气提醒某个或者某些政治家，说道“请不要忘记犹太人也有资本家”，然后我们得到的答案是：“你有什么好担心的？现在要打倒的是整个资本主义，整个民族即将得到解放。我们不是和犹太或基督教的资本主义作斗争，我们是要和资本主义作斗争：我们要彻底解放人民。”

Christian capitalism' is already as good as destroyed, the international Jewish Stock

Exchange capital gains in proportion as the other loses ground. It is only the international Stock Exchange and loan-capital, the so-called 'supra-state capital,' which has profited from the collapse of our economic life, the capital which receives its character from the single supra-state nation which is itself national to the core, which fancies itself to be above all other nations, which places itself above other nations and which already rules over them.

基督教资本主义已经差不多被摧毁，他们相应的份额被国际犹太股票交易资本家吞并了。只有国际股票交易和借贷资本家（也就是所谓的“跨国资本”），是他们从我们的经济损失中获利，这些资本家完全就是民族性的，却又具备跨国民族的特点，他们凌驾于其他的民族之上，已经开始在统治其他的民族。

The international Stock Exchange capital would be unthinkable, it would never have come, without its founders the supra-national, because intensely national, Jews....

如果没有这些跨国的民族性，且由具有强烈民族性的犹太人建立它，国际股票交易资本本来是无法想象的，本来也不应该出现的...

The Jew has not grown poorer: he gradually gets bloated, and, if you don't believe me, I would ask you to go to one of our health-resorts; there you will find two sorts of visitors: the German who goes there, perhaps for the first time for a long while, to breathe a little fresh air and to recover his health, and the Jew who goes there to lose his fat. And if you go out to our mountains, whom do you find there in fine brand-new yellow boots with splendid rucksacks in which there is generally nothing that would really be of any use? And why are they there? They go up to the hotel, usually no further than the train can take them: where the train stops, they stop too. And then they sit about somewhere within a mile from the hotel, like blow-flies round a corpse.

犹太人从来就没有穷过：他们越来越富有，如果你不相信我，你可以随便去一个保健场所；你在那里可以见到两种人：德国人去那里，可能是很久才去那么一次，去

呼吸一点新鲜空气，恢复健康；而犹太人去那里是为了减肥。如果你去爬山，你会看到那些穿着崭新的黄色靴子，背着个里面空空如也、毫无用处的漂亮帆布背包的人。他们去那里做什么？他们是去酒店的，通常火车停在哪里他们就在哪个地方，也不会走远一点。然后他们在离酒店不到一英里的地方坐下来，就像在尸体上面飞舞的苍蝇一样。

These are not, you may be sure, our working classes: neither those working with the mind, nor with the body. With their worn clothes they leave the hotel on one side and go on climbing: they would not feel comfortable coming into this perfumed atmosphere in suits which date from 1913 or 1914. No, assuredly the Jew has suffered no privations! . . . 你可以肯定，他们都不是我们的劳动人民：既不是做脑力劳动的，也不是做体力劳动的。他们会穿着破衣服离开酒店继续爬山：他们不会穿着19xx年或19xx年的西装到这种地方来，因为那会让他们觉得不舒服。不，犹太人肯定不会遭受贫穷的！...

While now in Soviet Russia the millions are ruined and are dying, Chicherin - and with him a staff of over 200 Soviet Jews - travels by express train through Europe, visits the cabarets, watches naked dancers perform for his pleasure, lives in the finest hotels, and does himself better than the millions whom once you thought you must fight as

'bourgeois.' The 400 Soviet Commissars of Jewish nationality - they do not suffer; the thousands upon thousands of sub-Commissars -they do not suffer. No! all the treasures which the 'proletarian' in his madness took from the 'bourgeoise' in order to fight so-called capitalism - they have all gone into their hands. Once the worker appropriated the purse of the landed proprietor who gave him work, he took the rings, the diamonds and rejoiced that he had now got the treasures which before only the 'bourgeoisie' possessed. But in his hands they are dead things - they are veritable death-gold. They are no profit to him. He is banished into his wilderness and one cannot feed oneself on diamonds. For a morsel of bread he gives millions in objects of value. But the bread is in the hands of the State Central Organization and this is in the hands of the Jews: so everything, everything that the common man thought that he was winning for himself, flows back again to his seducers.

现在，苏维埃俄国几百万人都被摧毁，危在旦夕，契切林却和他的200多个苏维埃犹太团体坐着直达快车穿越欧洲，去看卡巴莱歌舞表演，去看脱衣舞，住最好的酒店，他可比那些你认为你需要打倒的那些几百万“中产阶级”过得潇洒自在多了。这些犹太籍的400个苏维埃政治委员毫发无损；成千上万的政治委员的手下也毫发无损。不！“工人阶级”为了和所谓的资本主义斗争，他们疯狂地从 “资产阶级”夺来的财产——全都去了犹太资本家的手里。当工人们抢走那些给他们提供工作的地主的提包时，他们拿到了戒指、钻石，想到他现在拥有以前只有“资产阶

级”才拥有的东西了，心里非常高兴。但是他们手里的东西都是死物——名副其实是死物——金子。这不能让他得到什么好处。他现在陷入了迷茫，因为谁也不能拿钻石来填饱肚子。为了得到一小口面包，他甚至会拿超过价值几百万倍的东西来换取它。但是面包掌握在犹太人手里：所以一个正常人应该考虑，他为自己争取的任何东西都回到那些诱惑他的人手里去了。

And now, my dear fellow-countrymen, do you believe that these men, who with us are going the same way, will end the Revolution? They do not wish the end of the Revolution, for they do not need it. For them the Revolution is milk and honey.

现在，我亲爱的同胞们，你们相信这些人会跟我们一起走同一条路，一起结束革命吗？他们可不想结束革命，因为他们根本不需要。对他们来说，革命就是牛奶和蜂蜜。

And further they cannot end the Revolution. For if one or another amongst the leaders were really not seducer but seduced, and today, driven by the inner voice of horror at his crime, were to step before the masses and make his declaration: 'We have all deceived ourselves: we believed that we could lead you out of misery, but we have in fact led you into a misery which your children and your children's children must still bear' - he cannot say that, he dare not say that, he would on the public square or in the public meeting be torn in pieces.

而且他们也没有能力结束革命。因为领导中的一个或者另一个不是诱惑者而是被诱惑者（被诱惑的德国人），并且今天，受到内心对自己罪行的恐惧驱使，他应该走到群众面前宣称： “我们都欺骗了自己：我们相信我们可以带你们走出痛苦，但是我们实际上带你们走进了一个你们的下一代甚至下一代的下一代都还必须忍受的痛苦之中。”——可是他不会这么说，他不敢这么说，因为他会在广场上或在公共会议上被撕成碎片。

But amongst the masses there begins to flow a new stream - a stream of opposition. It is the recognition of the facts which is already in pursuit of this system, it already is hunting the system down; it will one day scourge the masses into action and carry the masses along with it. And these leaders, they see that behind them the anti-Semitic wave grows and grows; and when the masses once recognize the facts, that is the end of these leaders. 但是在群众之中涌起了一股新的激流——一股反对的激流。对事实的认识已经让大家开始去寻找并追捕这个体系；这会鞭策广大群众采取行动并继续说服群众。这些领导人看到他们背后反犹主义的浪潮一浪高过一浪；当广大群众都看清事实时，就是这些领导们的末日。

And thus the Left is forced more and more to turn to Bolshevism. In Bolshevism they see today the sole, the last possibility of preserving the present state of affairs. They realize quite accurately that the people is beaten so long as Brain and Hand can be kept apart. For alone neither Brain nor Hand can really oppose them. So long therefore as the

Socialist idea is coined only by men who see in it a means for disintegrating a nation, so long can they rest in peace.

因此，左派被迫越来越倾向布尔什维克。在布尔什维克主义里，他们看到今天是唯一的也是最后的可能来保持现有的局势。他们非常清晰地认识到：只要将人民的大脑和手脚分开，他就能打败人民。因为不管是单凭大脑还是单凭手脚都不能对抗他们。所以只有当他们知道这些社会主义思想是由那些认为这是分裂国家民族的方法的人提出来的，他们才肯歇停。

But it will be a sorry day for them when this Socialist idea is grasped by a Movement which unites it with the highest Nationalist pride, with Nationalist defiance, and thus places the Nation's Brain, its intellectual workers, on this ground. Then this system will break up, and there would remain only one single means of salvation for its supporters: viz. to bring the catastrophe upon us before their own ruin, to destroy the Nation's Brain, to bring it to the scaffold - to introduce Bolshevism.

但是当这种社会主义思想被一场运动用来团结一个民族，并有着最高的民族自豪感，有着民族主义反抗，而且是在这个国家的首脑地区，在这块土地上站着的是知识工人，他们就会觉得后悔了。然后这个体系就会崩溃，要拯救它的支持者们只有一条路可走：在他们自己毁灭之前先把灾祸带给我们，破坏我们民族的大脑，把我们的民族绑上绞架——引入布尔什维克主义。

So the Left neither can nor will help. On the contrary, their first lie compels them

constantly to resort to new lies. There remains then the Right. And this party of the Right meant well, but it cannot do what it would because up to the present time it has failed to recognize a whole series of elementary principles.

所以左派既没有能力也不愿意帮助我们。相反，他们撒下的第一个谎以后，为了圆谎，他们不得不继续编造一大堆的谎言。在那个时候还有个右派。右派的初衷是好的，但是它不能做它想做的，因为到目前为止它还没有认清楚一系列基本原则。 In the first place the Right still fails to recognize the danger. These gentlemen still persist in believing that it is a question of being elected to a Landtag or of posts as ministers or secretaries. They think that the decision of a people's destiny would mean at worst

nothing more than some damage to their so-called bourgeois-economic existence. They have never grasped the fact that this decision threatens their heads. They have never yet understood that it is not necessary to be an enemy of the Jew for him to drag you one day,

on the Russian model, to the scaffold. They do not see that it is quite enough to have a head on your shoulders and not to be a Jew: that will secure the scaffold for you.

一开始，右派竟然看不到危机。这些绅士们还坚信这只是一个关于是选举州议会的部长还是秘书长的问题。他们觉得一个关乎于民族命运的决策最差也不过是给他们所谓的资产阶级带来破坏。他们从来没有抓住事实本身，这个决策关乎到他们的项上人头。他们从来也不曾了解，他们不与犹太人为敌会拖垮你们，把你们绑上绞架。俄国就是个例证。他们不知道，只要你们肩膀上有颗脑袋，只要你们不是犹太人，你们就肯定会上绞架的。

In consequence their whole action today is so petty, so limited, so hesitating and

pusillanimous. They would like to - but they can never decide on any great deed, because they fail to realize the greatness of the whole period.

因此，他们今天的整个活动都是那么地琐碎，那么地有限，那么地犹豫不决，那么地胆小懦弱。他们很愿意——但是他们永远也不能做一些大的决策，因为他们看不见整个阶段的大局所在。

And then there is another fundamental error: they have never got it clear in their own minds that there is a difference or how great a difference there is between the conception 'National' and the word 'dynastic' or 'monarchistic.' They do not understand that today it is more than ever necessary in our thoughts as Nationalists to avoid anything which might perhaps cause the individual to think that the National Idea was identical with petty everyday political views. They ought day by day to din into the ears of the masses: 'We want to bury all the petty differences and to bring out into the light the big things, the things we have in common which bind us to one another. That should weld and fuse together those who have still a German heart and a love for their people in the fight

against the common hereditary foe of all Aryans. How afterward we divide up this State, friends - we have no wish to dispute over that! The form of a State results from the essential character of a people, results from necessities which are so elementary and powerful that in time every individual will realize them without any disputation when once all Germany is united and free.'

然后还有另外一个根本性的错误：他们从来就没有弄清楚，在“民族的”、“王朝的”和“君主制的”这几个概念之间究竟有多大的区别。他们不明白，和过去相比，今天我们作为民族主义者的思想有多么重要，我们必须制止任何一个个人将民族思想和日常政治观点混为一谈。他们必须一天天地再三叮嘱群众： “我们要消灭所有的细微差别，要着眼大的事情，大的事情就是我们的共同之处会将我们团结起来。这些将会把那些仍然跳动着德国之心、仍然热爱他们的民族的人民牢牢地团结在一起，和我们雅利安人共同的世代敌人作斗争。至于在此之后我们怎么分裂

（国家建立过程）这个国家，朋友们——我们不想讨论这个！一个国家的形成取决于一个民族的本质特征，取决于一些非常基本的也是非常重要的条件，就是一旦德国人民全都团结起来并获得自由，每个人都能毫无争议地及时认识到这些事实。” And finally they all fail to understand that we must on principle free ourselves from any class standpoint. It is of course very easy to call out to those on the Left, 'You must not be proletarians, leave your class-madness,' while you yourselves continue to call yourself 'bourgeois.' They should learn that in a single State there is only one supreme citizen - right, one supreme citizen - honor, and that is the right and the honor of honest work. They should further learn that the social idea must be the essential foundation for any State, otherwise no State can permanently endure.

最后他们还没明白原则上我们必须在立场上不能有任何偏颇。在你们自己继续称自己为“资产阶级”的时候，对着左派喊“你不能成为无产阶级，让你的阶级疯狂去吧。”当然非常简单。他们必须了解在一个单独的国家只能有一个最高公民——权利，一个超级公民——荣誉，这才是本分工作的权利和荣誉。他们还必须进一步了解：社会观念是任何一个国家的本质基础，否则没有哪个国家能永远存在下去。 Certainly a government needs power, it needs strength. It must, I might almost say, with brutal ruthlessness press through the ideas which it has recognized to be right, trusting to the actual authority of its strength in the State. But even with the most ruthless brutality it can ultimately prevail only if what it seeks to restore does truly correspond to the welfare of a whole people.

一个政府当然需要权利，需要力量。我可能几乎要说，对于它认为是正确的事情，它必须严酷地、无情地强压进人们的思想中去，相信在这个国家它有实际权力这么做。但即便是用最严酷、最无情的方法，它最终也还是会取得胜利，只要它的目的是真正为了真个民族谋求福利。

That the so-called enlightened absolutism of a Frederick the Great was possible depended solely on the fact that, though this man could undoubtedly have decided 'arbitrarily' the destiny - for good or ill - of his so-called 'subjects,' he did not do so, but made his decisions influenced and supported by one thought alone, the welfare of his Prussian people. It was this fact only that led the people to tolerate willingly, nay joyfully, the dictatorship of the great king.

所谓的腓特烈大帝的开明绝对主义只能依靠于一个事实，尽管这个人毫无疑问地“武断地”决定了他的所谓的“对象”的命运——不管是好的还是坏的，他并没有这么做，而是仅仅受着一个思想的影响和支持，就是普鲁士人民的利益。只有这样，这位伟大的国王才能让人民心甘情愿地（虽然不是很愉快地）接受他的独裁。

AND THE RIGHT HAS FURTHER COMPLETELY FORGOTTEN THAT

DEMOCRACY IS FUNDAMENTALLY NOT GERMAN: IT IS JEWISH. It has

completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy with its majority decisions has always been without exception only a means towards the destruction of any existing Aryan leadership. The Right does not understand that directly every small question of profit or loss is regularly put before so-called 'public opinion,' he who knows how most skilfully to make this 'public opinion' serve his own interests becomes forthwith master in the State. And that can be achieved by the man who can lie most artfully, most infamously; and in the last resort he is not the German, he is, in Schopenhauer's words, 'the great master in the art of lying' - the Jew.

这种权利甚至被忘得一干二净，民主不是德国的民主，而是犹太人的民主。人们完全忘记这种犹太的民主所作出的主要决定毫无例外地只是用来迫害任何一个现存的雅利安人领导。右派不明白所有的关于利润或损失的问题通常都会被放在所谓的“公众舆论”之前，那些精通于让“公众舆论”为自己的利益服务的人马上就变成了国家的掌权者，而那些人事最精通撒谎艺术，最臭名昭著。他们可不是德国人，而是犹太人。用叔本华的话来说，犹太人是“撒谎艺术的一代宗师”。

And finally it has been forgotten that the condition which must precede every act is the will and the courage to speak the truth - and that we do not see today either in the Right or in the Left.

最终人们还忘记了要执行以及说出事实的勇气——无论是在今天的右派还是左派，我们都看不到这一点。

There are only two possibilities in Germany; do not imagine that the people will forever go with the middle party, the party of compromises; one day it will turn to those who have most consistently foretold the coming ruin and have sought to dissociate themselves from it. And that party is either the Left: and then God help us! for it will lead us to complete destruction - to Bolshevism, or else it is a party of the Right which at the last, when the people is in utter despair, when it has lost all its spirit and has no longer any faith in anything, is determined for its part ruthlessly to seize the reins of power - that is the beginning of resistance of which I spoke a few minutes ago. Here, too, there can be no compromise - there are only two possibilities: either victory of the Aryan, or annihilation of the Aryan and the victory of the Jew.

在德国只有两种可能；不要以为人民会永远忍受这些中立派，忍受这些折中主义党派；有一天他们会变成这样一群人，他们不断地预言灾祸，而自己却想办法脱身。这个党派要么就是左派：上帝保佑！因为它将把我们引向绝对的灾难——布尔什维克；要么就是右翼党派，最终，当人们陷入绝望时，它已经丧失了所有的斗志，对任何事情都不抱什么希望。因此，它决心无情地夺取权利——这就是我几分钟之前

所说的抵抗的开始。在这里，也不容许有任何妥协存在——只能有两种可能：要么是雅利安人获胜，要么就是雅利安人被彻底消灭，犹太人获胜。

It is from the recognition of this fact, from recognizing it, I would say, in utter, dead earnestness, that there resulted the formation of our Movement. There are two principles which, when we founded the Movement, we engraved upon our hearts: first, to base it on the most sober recognition of the facts, and second, to proclaim these facts with the most ruthless sincerity.

在认识到这个事实之后，我要说，这个运动已经迫在眉睫，势在必行。当我们发起这项运动时，我们必须铭记两条原则：第一，要以对事实真相的透彻了解为基础；第二，要用最严酷的真诚来宣告这些事实。

And this recognition of the facts discloses at once a whole series of the most important fundamental principles which must guide this young Movement which, we hope, is destined one day for greatness:

对事实的认知立刻揭露了一系列最重要的原则，我们的新运动必须遵循这些原则。我们希望，它注定有一天会变得意义重大：

1. 'NATIONAL' AND 'SOCIAL' ARE TWO IDENTICAL CONCEPTIONS. It was only the Jew who succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning it into Marxism, not only in divorcing the social idea from the national, but in actually representing them as utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved. At the founding of this

Movement we formed the decision that we would give expression to this idea of ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite all warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe, on the basis of the sincerity of our will, we christened it ''National

Socialist.' We said to ourselves that to be 'national' means above everything to act with a boundless and all-embracing love for the people and, if necessary, even to die for it. And similarly to be 'social' means so to build up the state and the community of the people that every individual acts in the interest of the community of the people and must be to such an extent convinced of the goodness, of the honorable straightforwardness of this community of the people as to be ready to die for it.

1. “民族的”和“社会的”是两个独立的概念。只是犹太人通过篡改社会思想，将其变为马克思主义，而且实际上还颠倒黑白，歪曲事实。他的目的达到了。在发起这次运动的时候，我们决心将这两个概念的定义按照我们的想法描述为：尽管有很多警告的声音，在我们的信任和真诚意愿的基础上，我们还是要将它澄清为“民族社会主义”。我们对自己说“民族的”意味着无论做什么事情都要怀着对人民的满腔热爱，哪怕是死也在所不辞。而且同样的，“社会的”也意味着也要这样去建立

我们的国家和人民社会，每个人都为人民的利益奉献一切，乐于为这个美好善良、可敬率真的民族而献身。

2. And then we said to ourselves: THERE ARE NO SUCH THINGS AS CLASSES:

THEY CANNOT BE. Class means caste and caste means race. If there are castes in India, well and good; there it is possible, for there there were formerly Aryans and dark aborigines. So it was in Egypt and in Rome. But with us in Germany where everyone who is a German at all has the same blood, has the same eyes, and speaks the same language, here there can be no class, here there can be only a single people and beyond that nothing else. Certainly we recognize, just as anyone must recognize, that there are different 'occupations' and 'professions' [St?nde]-there is the Stand of the watchmakers, the Stand of the common laborers, the Stand of the painters or technicians, the Stand of the engineers, officials, etc. St?nde there can be. But in the struggles which these St?nde have amongst themselves for the equalization of their economic conditions, the conflict and the division must never be so great as to sunder the ties of race.

2. 然后我们对自己说：没有诸如阶级之类的东西。不可能会有。阶级意味着社会阶层，而社会阶层意味着门第地位。如果印度有社会阶层的话，那就好了，就是有这种可能。因为他们那里曾经有过雅利安人和黑人土著。在埃及和罗马也有。但是在我们德国，每一个德国人都流着同样的血，长着同样的一双眼睛，说着同一种语言；在这里，不可能会有社会阶层；在这里，只能有一个民族，除此之外什么都不会有。当然，我们会认识到，正如每个人都必须认识到的，这个社会有着不同的“职业”和“专业”——有钟表工，有普通工人，有画家，有技工，有工程师，有公务员等等。但是为了在这些职业之间谋求经济条件平衡的斗争中，这些矛盾和分裂永远也不能大到能令我们种族解体的程度。

And if you say 'But there must after all be a difference between the honest creators and those who do nothing at all' - certainly there must! That is the difference which lies in the performance of the conscientious work of the individual. Work must be the great connecting link, but at the same time the great factor which separates one man from another. The drone is the foe of us all. But the creators - it matters not whether they are brain workers or workers with the hand - they are the nobility of our State, they are the German people!

如果你说“在这些勤勤恳恳的社会建造者和那些无所事事的人之间，总要有些区别吧”——当然要有！这种区别在于这些人是否恪尽职守。工作是人与人之间最大的联系纽带，而与此同时也是造成人与人之间关系疏远的重要因素。懒汉是我们共同的敌人。但是这些建设者们——不管是脑力劳动者还是体力劳动者，这些都没有关系——他们都是我们国家的骄傲，他们都是德国的人民！

We understand under the term 'work' exclusively that activity which not only profits the individual but in no way harms the community, nay rather which contributes to form the community.

我们理解“工作”这个词仅仅是指那些不仅能给个人带来收入，不会对社会造成任何危害的，更不用说那些对社会的发展做出贡献的了。

3. And in the third place IT WAS CLEAR TO US THAT THIS PARTICULAR VIEW IS BASED ON AN IMPULSE WHICH SPRINGS FROM OUR RACE AND FROM OUR BLOOD. We said to ourselves that race differs from race and, further, that each race in accordance with its fundamental demands shows externally certain specific tendencies, and these tendencies can perhaps be most clearly traced in their relation to the conception of work. The Aryan regards work as the foundation for the maintenance of the

community of people amongst it members. The Jew regards work as the means to the exploitation of other peoples. The Jew never works as a productive creator without the great aim of becoming the master. He works unproductively using and enjoying other people's work. And thus we understand the iron sentence which Mommsen once uttered: 'The Jew is the ferment of decomposition in peoples,' that means that the Jew destroys and must destroy because he completely lacks the conception of an activity which builds up the life of the community. And therefore it is beside the point whether the individual Jew is 'decent' or not. In himself he carries those characteristics which Nature has given him, and he cannot ever rid himself of those characteristics. And to us he is harmful. Whether he harms us consciously or unconsciously, that is not our affair. We have consciously to concern ourselves for the welfare of our own people.

3. 第三，我们非常清楚这个特殊的观念是从我们的种族，从我们的血液中喷涌出来的。我们对自己说，种族和种族之间会存在差异，而且进一步来说，每个种族都会有着相应的基本需求，从而表现出一种特定的趋势，而这种趋势可能很容易从他们对工作的理解来发现。雅利安人认为工作是一个人在社会中维持和他人关系的基础。犹太人认为工作意味着剥削他人。除了当主人这个宏伟目标以外，犹太人从来就没有真正生产过什么东西。他只会利用和享受他人的劳动成果，不劳而获。于是我们明白了蒙森曾说的至理名言：“犹太人是人类腐烂渣滓中的酵母菌”，这就意味着犹太人在搞破坏，并且他们必须搞破坏，因为他们根本就没有社会建设的概念。于是，去评价某一个犹太人是不是“正派”是无关紧要的。他的骨子里带着一些天生的特点，他自己根本没有办法摆脱那些特点。他们对我们是有害的。不管他有意还是无意，这都不关我们的事。我们只需要有意识地去关心我们自己人民的福利。

4. And fourthly WE WERE FURTHER PERSUADED THAT ECONOMIC

PROSPERITY IS INSEPARABLE FROM POLITICAL FREEDOM AND THAT

THEREFORE THAT HOUSE OF LIES, 'INTERNATIONALISM,' MUST

IMMEDIATELY COLLAPSE. We recognized that freedom can eternally be only a consequence of power and that the source of power is the will. Consequently the will to power must be strengthened in a people with passionate ardor. And thus we realized fifthly that

4. 第四，我们被进一步劝说道，经济繁荣和政治自由是不可分割的，因此，用“国际主义”那些鬼话砌起来的房子，都要统统倒塌。我们认识到自由永远只能通过权力获得，而权力之源就是意志。因此，必须用狂热的激情来强化一个民族想要变得强大的意志。

5. WE AS NATIONAL SOCIALISTS and members of the German Workers party - a Party pledged to work - MUST BE ON PRINCIPLE THE MOST FANATICAL

NATIONALISTS. We realized that the State can be for our people a paradise only if the people can hold sway therein freely as in a paradise: we realized that a slave state will never be a paradise, but only - always and for all time - a hell or a colony.

5. 我们作为民族社会主义者和德国工人党的成员——一个以工作为承诺的党派——必须在原则上成为最狂热的民族主义者。我们认识到一个国家要成为人们的天堂，就必须让人们自由地统治和支配：我们认识到一个奴隶的国家永远也变成不了天堂，只会成为地狱或者殖民地，直到永远。

6. And then sixthly we grasped the fact that POWER IN THE LAST RESORT IS POSSIBLE ONLY WHERE THERE IS STRENGTH, and that strength lies not in the dead weight of numbers but solely in energy. Even the smallest minority can achieve a mighty result if it is inspired by the most fiery, the most pas sionate will to act. World history has always been made by minorities. And lastly

6. 第六，我们抓住了一个事实：只有在拥有强大力量的前提上，才能使用权力作为最后一招，而这种力量不是体现在一堆数字上，而仅仅体现在能量上面。只要激发出它最大热情，并将最火热的激情投入到行动中去，哪怕是最小的民族都可以变得非常强大。

7. If one has realized a truth, that truth is valueless so long as there is lacking the indomitable will to turn this realization into action!

7. 如果有人已经认识到了事实的真相，而缺乏将这种认识变成行动的不屈不挠的意志，那么真相就毫无价值。

These were the foundations of our Movement - the truths on which it was based and which demonstrated its necessity.

这就是我们运动的基础——真相和它必不可少的基础。

For three years we have sought to realize these fundamental ideas. And of course a fight is and remains a fight. Stroking in very truth will not carry one far. Today the German people has been beaten by a quite other world, while in its domestic life it has lost all spirit; no longer has it any faith. But how will you give this people once more firm

ground beneath its feet save by the passionate insistence on one definite, great, clear goal? 三年以来我们都在试图去认识基本思想。当然，斗争是一种方法，斗争仍然还是斗争。今天的德国人民被一个外来的世界打败了，国内已经丧失了所有的斗争；再也没有什么信仰了。但是现在你是否愿意让人民能够脚踏实地，建立一个清晰、伟大、明确的目标，并不屈不挠地坚持实现这个目标？

Thus we were the first to declare that this peace treaty was a crime. Then folk abused us as 'agitators.' We were the first to protest against the failure to present this treaty to the people before it was signed. Again we were called 'agitators.' We were the first to

summon men to resistance against being reduced to a continuing state of defenselessness. Once more we were 'agitators.' At that time we called on the masses of the people not to surrender their arms, for the surrender of one's arms would be nothing less than the beginning of enslavement. We were called, no, we were cried down as, 'agitators.' We were the first to say that this meant the loss of Upper Silesia. So it was, and still they called us 'agitators.' We declared at that time that compliance in the question of Upper Silesia MUST have as its consequence the awakening of a passionate greed which would demand the occupation of the Ruhr. We were cried down ceaselessly, again and again. And because we opposed the mad financial policy which today will lead to our collapse, what was it that we were called repeatedly once more? 'Agitators,' And today?

因此，我们第一个宣布和平条约是罪恶的。然后有人污蔑我们，称我们为“煽动者”。我们是第一个抗议在这合格条约签署之前不将条约内容告知人民的。他们称我们为“煽动者”；我们是第一个召集人们抗议我们的国家从此变得毫无防御能力的，他们还是称我们为“煽动者”；在那个时候，我们号召人民群众不要放下他们手里的武器，因为一旦放下，我们就要开始被奴役了，他们称我们，不，他们这样贬低我们为“煽动者”；我们是第一个说“这意味着上西里西亚的失守”，可是，他们仍然还在称我们为“煽动者”。我们在那时候宣布，如果在上西里西亚这个问题上妥协，他们还会得陇望蜀，之后他们又会迫切地想要占有鲁尔。但是他们还是不停地在污蔑我们，贬低我们，一次又一次。因为我们反对导致我们今天失败的愚蠢的金融政策，他们一遍又一遍地叫我们什么？还是“煽动者”，今天呢？

And finally we were also the first to point the people on any large scale to a danger which insinuated itself into our midst - a danger which millions failed to realize and which will

nonetheless lead us all into ruin - the Jewish danger. And today people are saying yet again that we were 'agitators.' I would like here to appeal to a greater than I, Count Lerchenfeld. He said in the last session of the Landtag that his feeling 'as a man and a Christian' prevented him from being an anti-Semite. I SAY: MY FEELING AS A CHRISTIAN POINTS ME TO MY LORD AND SAVIOUR AS A FIGHTER. IT

POINTS ME TO THE MAN WHO ONCE IN LONELINESS, SURROUNDED ONLY BY A FEW FOLLOWERS, RECOGNIZED THESE JEWS FOR WHAT THEY WERE AND SUMMONED MEN TO THE FIGHT AGAINST THEM AND WHO, GOD'S TRUTH! WAS GREATEST NOT AS SUFFERER BUT AS FIGHTER. In boundless love as a Christian and as a man I read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at last rose in His might and seized the scourge to drive out of the Temple the brood of vipers and of adders. How terrific was His fight for the world against the Jewish poison. Today, after two thousand years, with deepest emotion I recognize more profoundly than ever before - the fact that it was for this that He had to shed His blood upon the Cross. As a Christian I have no duty to allow myself to be cheated, but I have the duty to be a fighter for truth and justice. And as a man I have the duty to see to it that human society does not suffer the same catastrophic collapse as did the civilization of the ancient world some two thousand years ago - a civilization which was driven to its ruin through this same Jewish people.

最后，我们还是第一个指出，在我们的广大群众队伍中混入了一些危险的奸细——犹太人奸细，几百万人民都没有认出他们，而他们会将我们引向毁灭。今天人们还是一遍又一遍地称我们为“煽动者”。在这里，我要向Lerchenfeld上诉。在最后一次的州议会中他说道，他觉得“作为一个人类和基督徒”，让他没有变成一个反犹分子。我说：我作为一个基督徒的感觉引导我归向我的主和救赎者而成为一个战士。它把我引向这么一个人：他曾经在孤独中，仅仅有为数不多的追随者，他辨认出这些犹太人是什么货色并且号召人们和他作战，这人就是那伟大的战士，而不是一个受难者——上帝的真理！在作为一个基督徒和一个人的无边之爱中，我诵读了这个段落，这个段落告诉我们，我们的主在他的大能中是如何最后奋力拿起惩罚的皮鞭将这伙吸血鬼和毒蛇赶出神庙的。他对犹太毒物的战斗是多么的伟大！今天，在两千年之后，在最深的感动下，我前所未有地深刻地认识到这个事实：正因如此，主不得不血洒十字架。作为一个基督徒，我不能容忍自己被欺骗，我有责任成为一个为真理和正义奋斗的战士。作为一个人类，我有责任去认识到，一个人类社会不能遭受两次同样的毁灭性的挫折，就像两千年之前的古代文明一样——这个文明同样是被犹太人摧毁的。

Then indeed when Rome collapsed there were endless streams of new German bands flowing into the Empire from the North; but, if Germany collapses today, who is there to

come after us? German blood upon this earth is on the way to gradual exhaustion unless we pull ourselves together and make ourselves free!

确实，当罗马灭亡的时候，一些新德国队伍源源不断地从北方涌入了这个帝国；但是，如果德国今天灭亡了，谁会步入我们的后尘？德国人在这个地球上的血液眼看渐渐就要枯竭了，除非我们能够团结起来，让自己自由！

And if there is anything which could demonstrate that we are acting rightly, it is the distress which daily grows. For as a Christian I have also a duty to my own people. And when I look on my people I see it work and work and toil and labor, and at the end of the week it has only for its wage wretchedness and misery. When I go out in the morning and see these men standing in their queues and look into their pinched faces, then I believe I would be no Christian, but a very devil, if I felt no pity for them, if I did not, as did our Lord two thousand years ago, turn against those by whom today this poor people is plundered and exploited.

如果有任何证据来证明我们正在进行正确的行动，那就是这日益增长的苦难。作为一个基督徒，我还对我的人民负有责任。当我看到我的人民时，我看到他们不停地工作，劳苦而劳累，在每周末，他们得到的仅仅是少得可怜的薪水、痛苦和悲惨。当我早晨外出时看见这些人排着队，看到他们消瘦的脸庞，我就明白：如果我不为他们感到悲哀，如果我不像我们的主在两千年前那样为他们感到悲哀，不向那些剥削掠夺穷苦人民的人作战的话，那么我就不是一个基督徒，而恰恰是一个魔鬼。 And through the distress there is no doubt that the people has been aroused. Externally perhaps apathetic, but within there is ferment. And many may say, 'It is an accursed crime to stir up passions in the people.' And then I say to myself: Passion is already stirred through the rising tide of distress, and one day this passion will break out in one way or another: AND NOW I WOULD ASK THOSE WHO TODAY CALL US

'AGITATORS': 'WHAT THEN HAVE YOU TO GIVE TO THE PEOPLE AS A FAITH TO WHICH IT MIGHT CLING?'

毫无疑问地，经历过苦难之后，人民被激怒了。表面上看起来可能无动于衷，但是内心里却燃烧着熊熊火焰。许多人可能会说：“煽动人民罪该万死！”但我对自己说：人民的激愤情绪已经被高涨的苦难浪潮所激起，这种情绪总会有一天以这样或那样的形式爆发：现在我要问问那些称我们为“煽动者”的人：你究竟能给人民一个什么样的可以坚持的信仰？

Nothing at all, for you yourselves have no faith in your own prescriptions.

什么都没有，因为你们连自己都没有信仰。

That is the mightiest thing which our Movement must create: for these widespread, seeking and straying masses a new Faith which will not fail them in this hour of

confusion, to which they can pledge themselves, on which they can build so that they may at least find once again a place which may bring calm to their hearts.

这就是我们的运动必须完成的一件最伟大的事情：给这些分布广泛的、不断求索的、迷失无助的人民群众一个新的信仰，这个信仰会带他们走出迷惑，带给他们承诺，至少能带他们重新找到一个可以开始建设、可以带给他们心灵平静的地方。