美国国家安全战略

美国国家安全战略——第一章国家安全战略概述

I. Overview of National Security Strategy

一、国家安全战略概述

At the dawn of the 21st century, the United States of

America faces a broad and complex array of challenges to our national security. Just as America helped to determine the course of the 20th century,we must now build the

sources of American strength and influence, and shape an international order capable of overcoming the challenges of the 21st century.

21世纪伊始，在国家安全方面，美国面临着一系列的广泛而又复杂的挑战。就像美国指引着<20世纪的进程一样，我们现在必须确立美国力量和影响力的根基，从而建立一个可以战胜21世纪面临的各种挑战的世界秩序。

The World as It Is, A Strategy for the World We Seek 我们所选择的世界的样子

To succeed, we must face the world as it is. The two

decades since the end of the Cold War have been marked by both the promise and perils of change. The circle of peaceful democracies has expanded; the specter of nuclear war has lifted;major powers are at peace; the global economy has grown; commerce has stitched the

fate of nations together; and more individuals can determine their own destiny. Yet these advances have been accompanied by persistent problems. Wars over ideology have given way to wars over religious, ethnic, and tribal identity; nuclear dangers have proliferated; inequality and economic instability have intensified;

damage to our environment, food insecurity, and dangers to public health are increasingly shared; and the same tools that empower individuals to build enable them to destroy.

只有了解了世界才可以获得成功。冷战结束后的20年人们的期望和安全环境均有所变化。民主国家的圈子得到了进一步扩大；核战争的幽灵走出了视野；主要国家处于和平环境中；全球经济有所增长；商业将各个国家的命运连在了一起；更多的个体可以决定他们的命运。然而所有的这些发展都伴随着新的问题。意识形态的斗争让位于宗教、种族和部落的斗争；核威胁有所加剧；不平等和经济不稳定有所加剧；对环境的破坏、食品安全和公共健康成为了共同的问题；授权个体创造的工具同时也可以让他们制造破坏。

The dark side of this globalized world came to the

forefront for the American people on September 11, 2001. The immediate threat demonstrated by the deadliest

attack sever launched upon American soil demanded strong and durable approaches to defend our homeland. In the years since, we have launched a war against al-Qaqˉida and its ailiates, decided to fight a war in Iraq, and confronted a sweeping economic crisis. More broadly, though, we have wrestled with how to advance American interests in a world that has changed—a world in which the international architecture of the 20th century is buckling under the weight of new threats, the global economy has accelerated the competition facing our people and businesses, and the universal aspiration for freedom and dignity contends with new obstacles.

全球化的缺点在20xx年9月1日展现在了美国人民面前。极端主义的袭击瞬间给美国大地敲响了警钟，我们需要通过强有力的和持续的途径去保卫我们的祖国。过去的几年，我们发动了一场打击本拉登及其同盟的战争，发动了伊拉克打了一场战争，并且还经历了一场全球范围内的经济危机。更广泛的讲，我们面临着如何在一个已经发生了变化的世界中促进美国利益的问题——20世纪的国际环境已经让位于新的威胁，全球化经济加大了我们人民和企业的竞争力度，世界各地对自由和尊严的期望面临新的障碍。

Our country possesses the attributes that have supported our leadership for decades—sturdy alliances,an

unmatched military, the world’s largest economy, a strong and evolving democracy, and a dynamic citizenry. Going forward, there should be no doubt: the United States of America will continue to underwrite global security—through our commitments to allies, partners, and institutions; our focus on defeating al-Qaqˉida and its ailiates in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and around the

globe;and our determination to deter aggression and prevent the proliferation of the world’s most dangerous weapons. As we do,we must recognize that no one nation—no matter how powerful——can meet global challenges alone As we did after World War II, America must prepare for the future, while forging cooperative approaches among nations that can yield results.

近几十年来我们国家处于领导地位是有客观因素支持的——坚实的同盟、无与伦比的军事力量、世界最大经济体、强大且逐步改进的民主制度和充满活力的公民。毫无疑问，我们会继续前进：美国将会继续承担全球安全的责任——与联盟、伙伴和机构之间建立承诺；致力于打败本拉登及其在阿富汗、巴基斯坦和世界范围内的同盟；阻止侵略和最危险武器的扩散。在我们做这些事情

的时候，我们必须认识到没有一个国家，不论他有多么强大，可以独自应当全球挑战。就像我们在二战后做的一样，美国必须为未来做准备，同时与其他相关国家建立同盟关系。

Our national security strategy is, therefore, focused on renewing American leadership so that we can more

effectively advance our interests in the 21st century. We will do so by building upon the sources of our strength at home, while shaping an international order that can meet the challenges of our time. This strategy recognizes the fundamental connection between our national security, our national competitiveness, resilience, and moral example. And it reaffirms America’s commitment to pursue our interests through an international system in which all nations have certain rights and

responsibilities.This will allow America to leverage our engagement abroad on behalf of a world in which individuals enjoy more freedom and opportunity, and nations have incentives to act responsibly, while facing consequences when they do not.

因此，我们的国家安全战略应致力于重塑美国的领导地位，从而我们就可以在21世纪更有效的提升我们的国家利益。我们会将自身的强大作为基石，同时修改国际秩序使其可以有效的应对我

们面临的挑战。这一战略认识到了我们的国家安全和国家竞争力、恢复力和道德之间的关系。并且它还重申了美国在各个国家都有某些权利和责任的国际系统中会致力于追求自身利益。这样，在这个世界上，每个个体都享有自由和机会，每个国家负有一定的责任，否则，如果他们不负责任，将会自己承担后果，因此美国就可以站在世界利益的立场上调整我们的一些对外约定。 Renewing American Leadership—Building at Home, Shaping Abroad

继续巩固美国领导地位——内外兼修

Ourapproach begins with a commitment to build a stronger foundation for American leadership, because what takes place within our borders will determine

ourstrength and influence beyond them. This truth is only heightened in a world of greater interconnection—a world in which our prosperity is inextricably linked to global prosperity, our security can be directly challenged by developments across an ocean, and our actions are scrutinized as never before.

我们先从建立一个强大的根基开始来巩固美国的领导地位，因为在国内的发展决定着我们在其他地方的力量和影响力。这一事实在全球联系日益紧密的今天变得尤为突出——在这个时代，我们的繁荣与世界的繁荣息息相关、海洋对面的发展可以直接对我们

的安全造成威胁以及我们的行动从来都没有像现在一样，被时刻审视着。

At the center of our efforts is a commitment to renew our economy, which serves as the wellspring of American power. The American people are now emerging from the most devastating recession that we have faced since the Great Depression. As we continue to act to ensure that our recovery is broad and sustained, we are also laying the foundation for the long term growth of our economy and competitiveness of our citizens. The investments that we have made in recovery are a part of a broader effort that will contribute to our strength: by providing a quality education for our children; enhancing science and

innovation; transforming our energy economy to power new jobs and industries;lowering the cost of health care for our people and businesses; and reducing the Federal deficit.

我们的中心任务是恢复经济，这被看做是美国力量的源泉。美国人民已经从大萧条以来最严重的危机中走了出来。当我们在继续确保进行广泛而持久的恢复行动的时候，同时我们也为经济的长远增长和公民的竞争力打下了基础。我们在恢复期间的投资是长远努力的一部分，这可以壮大我们的力量：为孩子们提供高质量

的教育；推进科技创新；将我们的活力转移到新的工作岗位和工厂中；降低我们人民和企业的医疗保健费；降低政府的财政赤字。 Each of these steps will sustain America’s ability to lead in a world where economic power and individual

opportunity are more diffuse. These efforts are also tied to our commitment to secure a more resilient nation. Our recovery includes rebuilding an infrastructure that will be more secure and reliable in the face of terrorist threats and natural disasters. Our focus on education and science can ensure that the breakthroughs of tomorrow take place in the United States. Our development of new

sources of energy will reduce our dependence on foreign oil. Our commitment to deficit reduction will discipline us to make hard choices, and to avoid overreach.These steps complement our efforts to integrate homeland security with national security; including seamless coordination among Federal, state, and local governments to prevent, protect against, and respond to threats and natural disasters.

在这个到处都是经济力量和个人机会的世界，我们所做的这一切都可以令美国的力量处于领先地位。这些努力与我们使这个具有弹性的国家安全的承诺密切相关。我们的恢复行动包括重建一个

可以在恐怖威胁和自然灾害面前更加安全和可靠的机构。我们在教育和科研上的投入可以确保明天的突破点发生着美国。我们开发新能源的计划可以降低我们对国外石油的以来。我们降低赤字的计划会约束我们的行动，以避免铺张浪费。这些努力将家乡安全和国家安全结合在了一起，包括联邦、州和地方政府之间在阻止、反对及回应威胁和自然灾害中的完美协调。

Finally,the work to build a stronger foundation for our leadership within our borders recognizes that the most effective way for the United States of America to promote our values is to live them. America’s commitment to

democracy, human rights, and the rule of law are essential sources of our strength and influence in the world. They too must be cultivated by our rejection of actions like torture that are not in line with our values,by our commitment to pursue justice consistent with our

Constitution, and by our steady determination to extend the promise of America to all of our citizens. America has always been a beacon to the peoples of the world when we ensure that the light of America’s example burns bright.

最后，在国外建立更加强大的领导地位要认识到美国推进自己价值观的最有效方式是用活这些价值观。美国对民主、人权和法律

规定的承诺是我们在世界上的力量和影响的重要因素。培养这些因素，我们必须拒绝那些诸如拷问之类的与我们价值观不符的做法；我们必须承诺在遵守规章的前提下去追求平等；我们必须把美国坚定的承诺让每一位公民都清楚。当美国一切都做的很好的时候，我们就为世界人民指明了方向。

Building this stronger foundation will support America’s efforts to shape an international system that can meet the challenges of our time. In the aftermath of World War II, it was the United States that helped take the lead in

constructing a new international architecture to keep the peace and advance prosperity—from NATO and the United Nations, to treaties that govern the laws and weapons of war; from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, to an expanding web of trade agreements. This architecture, despite its laws, averted world war, enable d economic growth, and advanced human rights, while facilitating effective burden sharing among the United States, our allies, and partners.

这些做法能促进美国创建一个可以应对时代挑战的国际系统。二战后，是在美国的帮助下建立了一个和平与繁荣的国际秩序——从北约和联合国到约束武器的条约；从世界银行和国际货币基金组织到逐步扩大的商业贸易网络。尽管有很多约束，但是这个体

系避免了世界大战、促进了经济增长以及推动了人权发展，并且有效的减轻了美国、我们的同盟和伙伴的负担。

Today, we need to be clear-eyed about the strengths and shortcomings of international institutions that were

developed to deal with the challenges of an earlier time and the shortage of political will that has at times stymied the enforcement of international norms. Yet it would be destructive to both American national security and global security if the United States used the emergence of new challenges and the shortcomings of the international

system as a reason to walk away from it. Instead, we must focus American engagement on strengthening

international institutions and galvanizing the collective action that can serve common interests such as

combating violent extremism; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and securing nuclear materials;

achieving balanced and sustainable economic growth; and forging cooperative solutions to the threat of climate change, armed conflict, and pandemic disease.

我们应当清醒的认识到处理以前的挑战时形成的国际惯例的优点和缺陷，以及政治决断的缺陷有时会导致国际法规的执行受阻。如果美国以新出现的挑战和国际系统的弱点为由退出，那么不论

是对美国国家安全还是世界安全来说，这都是一场灾难。相反，我们美国应当加大参与国际事务的力度，并且在一些符合共同利益的事情上采取相应的行动，比如：打击暴力恐怖主义、禁止核扩散及使核物质安全化、取得平衡、持续的经济增长、联合解决气候变化、武装冲突及流行病问题。

The starting point for that collective action will be our engagement with other countries. The cornerstone of this engagement is the relationship between the United States and our close friends and allies in Europe, Asia, the

Americas,and the Middle East—ties which are rooted in shared interests and shared values, and which serve our mutual security and the broader security and prosperity of the world. We are working to build deeper and more effective partnerships with other key centers of influence—including China, India, and Russia, as well as

increasingly influential nations such as Brazil, South Africa, and Indonesia—so that we can cooperate on issues of bilateral and global concern, with the recognition that power, in an interconnected world, is no longer a zero sum game. We are expanding our outreach to emerging nations, particularly those that can be models of regional success and stability, from the Americas to Africa to

Southeast Asia. And we will pursue engagement with hostile nations to test their intentions, give their

governments the opportunity to change course,reach out to their people, and mobilize international coalitions.

采取联合行动的第一步就是要与其他国家达成协议。这个协议的基石就是美国和我们其他在欧洲、亚洲、美洲和中东地区朋友及同盟的关系——这些国家与我们有着共同的价值观和利益关系，彼此间可共享安全并促进世界范围内的安全和繁荣。我们也积极与其他主要国际力量建立更深、更有效的伙伴关系——包括中国、印度和俄罗斯，还有影响力逐步扩大的国家，像巴西、南非和印度尼西亚——从而在双边关系和国际事务上我们就可以达成一致，在这个联系日益紧密的世界里，我们要认识到权利不再是零和博弈了。我们也与美洲、非洲和东南亚的那些逐步强大的国家建立关系，尤其是那些可以被视为区域成功和稳定典范的国家。同时，我们还会继续与那些邪恶国家斗争以了解他们的目的、给他们的政府提供改革方法、了解他们的人民并推动全球联盟。 This engagement will underpin our commitment to an international order based upon rights and responsibilities. International institutions must more effectively represent the world of the 21st century, with a broader voice—and greater responsibilities—for emerging powers,and they must be modernize to more effectively generate results

on issues of global interest. Constructive national steps on issues ranging from nuclear security to climate change must be incentivized, so nations that choose to do their part see the benefits of responsible action. Rules of the road must be followed, and there must be consequences for those nations that break the rules—whether they are nonproliferation obligations, trade agreements, or human rights commitments.

这一约定能巩固我们基于权利和责任的对国际秩序的承诺。国际惯例必须能更有效的代表21世纪：新型势力应当有更多的发言权和责任，他们应当适应时代要求，促进在全球利益问题上成效。在诸如从核安全到气候变化等事务上应当给予一定的激励，这样，每个国家在行事的时候就会意识到负责任的行动所带来的回报。制定的规则必须得到执行，破坏规则的人就应当承担相应的后果——不论是防扩散义务、贸易协定，还是人权承诺。

This modernization of institutions, strengthening of

international norms, and enforcement of international law is not a task for the United States alone—but together with like-minded nations, it is a task we can lead. A key source of American leadership throughout our history has been enlightened self-interest.We want a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their

lives will be better if other people’s children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity. The belief that our own interests are bound to the interests of those beyond our borders will continue to guide our engagement with nations and peoples.

符合当代实际的国际惯例、强化的国际规范和国际法的执行不仅仅是美国的任务——而是我们及与我们志同道合的所有国家的责任，在完成这个任务上我们可以起到榜样的作用。历史上，美国领导地位的一个关键经验就是强化利益。我们希望我们的子孙有一个更加美好的未来，我们也相信如果其他人的子孙能生活的自由、富裕，我们的子孙也将生活的更好。我们的利益与其他国家的利益是绑在一起的这一信念仍然会指导我们与其他国家和人民达成约定。

Advancing Top National Security Priorities

国家安全的重点

Just a sour national security strategy is focused on renewing our leadership for the long term, it is also facilitating immediate action on top priorities. This Administration has no greater responsibility than the safety and security of the American people. And there is no greater threat to the American people than weapons of mass destruction, particularly the danger posed by the

pursuit of nuclear weapons by violent extremists and their proliferation to additional states.

从长远来看，我们的国家安全战略致力于重塑我们的领导形象，但是还有一些需要立即采取行动的关键环节。对于这一届政府来说，没有什么比保证美国人民的安全更重要了。对美国人民来说，没有什么能比大规模杀伤性武器更具威胁，尤其是恐怖极端组织和他们在其他地区发展起来的势力叫嚣着要拥有核武器所带来的威胁。

That is why we are pursuing a comprehensive

nonproliferation and nuclear security agenda, grounded in the rights and responsibilities of nations. We are reducing our nuclear arsenal and reliance on nuclear weapons, while ensuring the reliability and effectiveness of our deterrent. We are strengthening the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as the foundation of

nonproliferation,while working through the NPT to hold nations like Iran and North Korea accountable for their failure to meet international obligations. We are leading a global effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials from terrorists. And we are pursuing new strategies to protect against biological attacks and challenges to the cyber networks that we depend upon.

这就是我们将防扩散和核安全纳入议事日程的原因：履行国家权力和承担国家责任。我们减少了自己的核工厂和并降低了核武器的依赖，同时确保制止物的可靠性和效力。我们将《核不扩散条约》作为不扩散的基础，同时通过《核不扩散条约》令像伊朗和朝鲜这样违反条约的国家为他们的选择付出代价。我们领导全球防止核材料落入恐怖分子手中的行动。同时，我们还推进新的战略以抑制生化武器的袭击和我们所依赖的网络带来的挑战。 As we secure the world’s most dangerous weapons, we are fighting a war against afar-reaching network of hatred and violence. We will disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its ailiates through a comprehensive strategy that denies them safe haven, strengthens frontline partners, secures our homeland, pursues justice through durable legal approaches, and counters a bankrupt agenda of extremism and murder with an agenda of hope and

opportunity. The frontline of this fight is Afghanistan and Pakistan,where we are applying relentless pressure on al-Qa’ida, breaking the Talibans’ momentum,and

strengthening the security and capacity of our partners. In this effort, our troops are again demonstrating their

extraordinary service, making great sacrifices in a time of danger, and they have our full support.

在我们打击最具威胁的武器的时候，我们也在与一股恐怖、邪恶势力的巨大网络做斗争。我们会通过一系列的战略，扰乱、消灭及打败本拉登及其同盟，像让他们居无定所，加强与前线合作伙伴的关系、保卫祖国安全、通过持久的合法途径追求公平、建立充满希望和机会的计划对抗恐怖主义及谋杀。这场战争的前线是阿富汗和巴基斯坦，我们会在这两个地区毫不留情的给本拉登施加压力、削弱塔利班力量并提高我们合作伙伴的安全和地位。在这次行动中，我们的军队又一次证明了他们的伟大，在危险时期做出了巨大的牺牲，同时也得到了全面的支持。

In Iraq,we are transitioning to full Iraqi sovereignty and responsibility—a process that includes the removal of our troops, the strengthening of our civilian capacity, and a long-term partnership to the Iraqi Government and people. We will be unwavering in our pursuit of a

comprehensive peace between Israel and its neighbors, including a two-state solution that ensures Israel’s security, while fulfilling the Palestinian peoples’

legitimate aspirations fora viable state of their own. And our broader engagement with Muslim communities around the world will spur progress on critical political and security matters,while advancing partnerships on a

broad range of issues based upon mutual interests and mutual respect.

在伊拉克，我们正在移交权利和责任——这一过程包括撤军、加强民间交流以及和伊拉克政府及人民的长期合作伙伴关系。我们会持之以恒的追求以色列及其邻国的和平，包括在保障巴勒斯坦人民拥有他们自己国家的合法愿望的同时，确保以色列的安全。我们与世界范围内穆斯林团体的广泛约定可以促进解决有争议的政治和安全事务，同时推进基于相互利益和相互尊重的广泛协作。

As were build the economic strength upon which our leadership depends, we are working to advance the balanced and sustainable growth upon which global prosperity and stability depends. This includes steps at home and abroad to prevent another crisis. We have shifted focus to the G-20 as the premier forum for

international economic cooperation, and are working to rebalance global demand so that America saves more and exports more, while emerging economies generate more demand. And we will pursue bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that advance our shared prosperity, while accelerating investments in development that can

narrow inequality, expand markets, and support individual opportunity and state capacity abroad.

在我们重建对自己的领导地位有重大作用的经济实力的时候，我们也在推进繁荣和稳定所依赖的世界经济的平衡和持久发展。这包括在国内和国外防止发生另一场经济危机。我们已经将世界经济协作的焦点转向G-20，并且随着世界经济的逐步发展，我们也致力于调整世界经济的需求，这样就可以令美国获得更大的储蓄和出口。我们也致力于推进双边和多边贸易协议以共享繁荣，同时我们也鼓励投资以减少差距、扩大市场及提供个人机会并扩大在国外的影响力。

These efforts to advance security and prosperity are enhanced by our support for certain values that are universal. Nations that respect human rights and democratic values are more successful and stronger

partners, and individuals who enjoy such respect are more able to achieve their full potential. The United States

rejects the false choice between the narrow pursuit of our interests and an endless campaign to impose our values. Instead, we see it as fundamental to our own interests to support a just peace around the world—one in which individuals, and not just nations, are granted the fundamental rights that they deserve.

我们对普世价值的支持有助于促进我们推进和平和繁荣。尊重人权和民主精神的国家是相对成功和强大的伙伴，赞同这种价值观的人更能发挥他们的潜力。美利坚合众国反对狭隘的追求利益和无尽的诋毁我们价值观的所有行为。相反，不论是壮大自己还是推进世界和平，我们都将这看做是最基本的原则——在这个原则之下，每一个个体、不仅仅是国家，都应享有他们应有的权利。 In keeping with the focus on the foundation of our

strength and influence, we are promoting universal values abroad by living them at home, and will not seek to impose these values through force. Instead, we are

working to strengthen international norms on behalf of human rights, while welcoming all peaceful democratic movements. We are supporting the development of

institutions within fragile democracies, integrating human rights as a part of our dialogue with repressive

governments, and supporting the spread of technologies that facilitate the freedom to access information. And we recognize economic opportunity as a human right, and are promoting the dignity of all men and women through our supportfor global health, food security, and cooperatives responses to humanitarian crises.

在重塑我们的力量和影响力的时候，我们致力于在国外推动普世价值、在国内做出榜样，同时我们不会使用武力强行推动。相反，我们会站在人权的角度去强化国际规则，同时欢迎所有的和平及民主举动。我们支持那些较弱的民主国家建立自己的制度，并将人权融入到与邪恶国家的对话中，同时支持传播那些有利于自由获取信息的技术。我们将经济机遇看做是人权的一部分，并通过支持全球健康、食品安全和积极相应人道主义救援来提升所有人的尊严。

Finally,our efforts to shape an international order that promotes a just peace must facilitate cooperation capable of addressing the problems of our time. This international order will support our interests, but it is also an end that we seek in its own right. New challenges hold out the prospect of opportunity, but only if the international community breaks down the old habits of suspicion to build upon common interests. A global effort to combat climate change must draw upon national actions to reduce emissions and a commitment to mitigate their impact. Efforts to prevent conflicts and keep the peace in their aftermath can stop insecurity from spreading. Global cooperation to prevent the spread of pandemic disease can promote public health.

最后，我们重建促进世界和平秩序的努力必须有利于减轻我们现在面临的困难。这样的国际秩序会符合我们的利益，但是也是我们适应形势做出的选择。新的挑战会带来新的机会，但前提是国际社会应放弃猜疑的老习惯去获得共赢。国际社会应对全球气候变化努力必须依赖于每个国家减少排放、承担相关责任。阻止冲突、促进和平的努力可以减少不安全因素的扩散。全球防止大规模流行病传播的努力可以促进公共健康。

Implementing this agenda will not be easy. To succeed, we must balance and integrate all elements of American power and update our national security capacity for the21st century. We must maintain our military’s

conventional superiority, while enhancing its capacity to defeat asymmetric threats. Our diplomacy and

development capabilities must be modernized, and our civilian expeditionary capacity strengthened, to support the full breadth of our priorities. Our intelligence and homeland security efforts must be integrated with our national security policies, and those of our allies and

partners. And our ability to synchronize our actions while communicating effectively with foreign public must be enhanced to sustain global support.

执行这一计划并不简单。为了取得成功，我们必须权衡国家力量的所有因素，并将之结合在一起，同时要更新我们21世纪的国家安全能力。我们必须保持军队的历来优势，并提升其打败非常规威胁的能力。我们的外交和发展能力必须适应现代化需要，公民的国外生存能力也应加强，以在更大范围内支持我们的优势。我们的情报和土地安全必须与国家及同盟和合作伙伴的安全结合起来。我们与国外人民的有效交流必须有利于获得世界的支持。 However, America’s greatest asset remains our people. In an era that will be shaped by the ability to seize the opportunities of a world that has grown more

interconnected, it is the American people who will make the difference—the troops and civilians serving within our government; businesses, foundations, and educational institutions that operate around the globe; and citizens who possess the dynamism, drive, and diversity to thrive in a world that has grown smaller. Because for all of its dangers, globalization is in part a product of American leadership and the ingenuity of the American people. We are uniquely suited to seize its promise.

然而，美国最大的财富还是我们的人民。在这个相互联系越来越紧密的世界，抓住机会的能力是促使改变的决定因素，引领世界变革的将是美国人民——包括：军队和政府公务人员；全球范围

内的商业、基金会和教育机构；那些可以在这个逐渐变小的世界中拥有激情、动力和多样化能力的人民。全球化是美国领导阶层和心灵手巧的美国人民推动的。我们最适合于抓住机会。 Our story is not without imperfections. Yet at each juncture that history has called upon us to rise to the occasion, we have advanced our own security, while

contributing to the cause of human progress. To continue to do so, our national security strategy must be informed by our people, enhanced by the contributions of the

Congress, and strengthened by the unity of the American people. If we draw on that spirit anew, we can build a world of greater peace, prosperity,and human dignity. 我们的计划不是没有缺点。然而历史的每一个关键点我们都可以应付，我们已经促进了自己安全，同时也推动了人类的进步。为了继续这样做，我们的国家安全战略必须获得人民的认可、获得国会的支持，并且由所有的美国人去完成。如果我们带着这样的意志，重新启航，那么我们就可以建立一个更加和平、繁荣及人类更有尊严的世界。 2010美国国家安全战略——第二章战略途径（2）——我们要构建的世界

The Strategic Approach—The World We Seek

战略途径——我们要构建的世界

In the past, the United States has thrived when both our nation and our national security policy have adapted to shape change instead of being shaped by it. For instance, as the industrial revolution took hold, America

transformed our economy and our role in the world. When the world was confronted by fascism, America prepared itself to win a war and to shape the peace that followed. When the United States encountered an ideological, economic, and military threat from

communism, we shaped our practices and institutions at home—and policies abroad—to meet this challenge. Now, we must once again position the United States to

champion mutual interests among nations and peoples. 过去，当我们的国家及安全政策主动适应变化（而不是被动改变）的时候，美利坚合众国总是能变得兴旺发达。例如，当工业革命发生的时候，美国改变了自己的经济及在世界上的角色；当全世界都在对抗法西斯主义的时候，美国为赢得战争和战后重塑和平环境做准备；当美国面临来自共产主义国家的意识形态、经济和军事威胁的时候，我们重新制订了国内外的规则来应对挑战。现在，我们必须再次重新评估美国以保障国家及人民之间的利益。 Building Our Foundation

强根固本

Our national security begins at home. What takes place within our borders has always been the source of our strength, and this is even truer in an age of

interconnection.

我们的国家安全始于国内。与其他国家进行的一切交流都依赖于我们自己的国力，在这个联系日益紧密的时代这一点显得尤为突出。

First and foremost, we must renew the foundation of America’s strength. In the long run, the welfare of the American people will determine America’s strength in the world, particularly at a time when our own economy is inextricably linked to the global economy. Our prosperity serves as a wellspring for our power. It pays for our military, underwrites our diplomacy and development efforts, and serves as a leading source of our influence in the world. Moreover, our trade and investment supports millions of American jobs, forges links among countries,

spurs global development, and contributes to a stable and peaceful political and economic environment.

首先也是最重要的，我们必须重塑美国强大的根基。长远来看，美国人民的财富决定着美国在世界上的国力，尤其是当我们自己的经济与世界经济紧密联系在一起的时候。我们的繁荣是我们国力的源泉。它为军队买单、支持我们在外交和发展上的努力并且是我们世界上的影响力的主要组成部分。另外，我们的贸易和投资创造了数以百万计的就业岗位、在国家之间创立了千丝万缕的联系、刺激了全球发展以及为安定的政治、经济环境做出了贡献。

Yet even as we have maintained our military advantage, our competitiveness has been set back in recent years. We are recovering from underinvestment in the areas that are central to America’s strength. We have not adequately advanced priorities like education, energy, science and technology, and health care—all of which are essential to U.S. competitiveness, long-term prosperity, and strength. Years of rising fiscal and trade deficits will also necessitate hard choices in the years ahead.

然而，虽然我们保持了我们的军事优势，我们的竞争力在最近几年还是有所倒退。在与美国的力量息息相关的关键领域，我们正在从投资不足中恢复过来。我们在像教育、能源、科技、卫生保

健等方面没有足够的优势，然而所有的这些对美国的竞争力、长期繁荣和力量都很重要。上涨了几年的财政收入和贸易逆差在未来的几年仍不可避免。

That is why we are rebuilding our economy so that it will serve as an engine of opportunity for the American people, and a source of American influence abroad. The United States must ensure that we have the world’s

best-educated workforce, a private sector that fosters innovation, and citizens and businesses that can access affordable health care to compete in a globalized

economy. We must transform the way that we use energy—diversifying supplies, investing in innovation, and

deploying clean energy technologies. By doing so, we will enhance energy security, create jobs, and fight climate change.

这就是我们重振经济的原因，它可以被看做是一个为美国人创造更多就会的引擎及美国在国外影响力的源头。美利坚合众国必须确保拥有世界上受过最好教育的劳动力、拥有专注于创新的私人部门以及能支付得起医疗保健费用并在全球化市场经济中有竞争力的公民和企业。我们必须改变使用能源的方式——使供给多

样化、在创新上投资及研究清洁能源技术。通过这些举措，我们可以促进能源安全、创造工作岗位并与气候变化作斗争。

Rebuilding our economy must include putting ourselves on a fiscally sustainable path. As such, implementing our national security strategy will require a disciplined approach to setting priorities and making tradeoffs among competing programs and activities. Taken

together, these efforts will position our nation for success in the global marketplace, while also supporting our national security capacity—the strength of our military, intelligence, diplomacy and development, and the security and resilience of our homeland.

重振经济要求我们必须实现财政稳定。事实上，实现我们的国家安全战略需要一系列正规方法，以分清主次并在有竞争的项目或活动上做出权衡。总的来说，这些努力可以促进我们在全球市场上的成功，并同时可以强化我们的国家安全能力——包括我们的军事力量、智慧、外交和发展以及国家的安全和弹性力。

We are now moving beyond traditional distinctions between homeland and national security. National security draws on the strength and resilience of our

citizens, communities, and economy. This includes a determination to prevent terrorist attacks against the

American people by fully coordinating the actions that we take abroad with the actions and precautions that we take at home. It must also include a commitment to building a more secure and resilient nation, while maintaining open flows of goods and people. We will continue to develop the capacity to address the threats and hazards that confront us, while redeveloping our infrastructure to secure our people and work cooperatively with other nations.

土地与国家安全之间的传统区别已经不复存在。国家安全依赖于我们的公民、团体和经济的实力及弹性。这包括通过协调在国外的行动和在国内的防御来抵制恐怖袭击。还包括在保持人员和商品自由流动的前提下，承担建设一个更加安全和负有弹性的国家的责任。我们会继续重建可以确保我国人民安全并促进与他国合作的基础设施的同时，提高应对我们所面临的威胁和危险的能力。

world, and drawn a clear contrast between the United States and our democratic allies, and those nations and individuals that deny or suppress human rights. Our

efforts to live our own values, and uphold the principles of democracy in our own society, underpin our support for the aspirations of the oppressed abroad, who know they can turn to America for leadership based on justice and hope.

美国模式是我们根基的一个重要组成部分。从美国建立的时候人权就是我们的标志，这促进了美国的领导地位、为世界人民提供了奋斗的动力、并在美国及其民主同同盟和反对或打压人权的国家与个体之间形成了鲜明的对照。我们致力于以我们的价值观生存、在我们自己的国家拥护民主制度、继续支持那些受压迫国家的抱负——他们知道可以求助于基于公平和希望的美国的领导。

Our moral leadership is grounded principally in the power of our example—not through an effort to impose our system on other peoples. Yet over the years, some methods employed in pursuit of our security have

compromised our fidelity to the values that we promote, and our leadership on their behalf. This undercuts our ability to support democratic movements abroad,

challenge nations that violate international human rights norms, and apply our broader leadership for good in the world. That is why we will lead on behalf of our values by living them. Our struggle to stay true to our values and Constitution has always been a lodestar, both to the American people and to those who share our aspiration for human dignity.

我们在道义上的领导地位归功于美国模式的成功——而不是将我们的行为强加于其他人的努力。然而在最近几年，在追求安全时采用的一些方法违背了我们一直推行的价值观以及站在其他人立场上的领导方式。这削弱了我们支持国外民主运动、挑战违背国际安全规则的国家以及进一步促进我们领导地位的能力。这就是我们用我们的价值观领导其他人的原因。对于美国人和那些在人类尊严上与我们有共同志向的人来说，我们在自己的价值观及体制上做的努力就是他们的指明灯。

undermine both; if we fortify them, we will sustain a key source of our strength and leadership in the world—one that sets us apart from our enemies and our potential competitors.

我们的价值观允许我们去为我们的支持者创建更加美好的未来、去激励国外的那些支持我们的人，及给我们对抗暴政的信心。美国人必须从言行上证明我们的价值观和体制的自我恢复力。因为如果我们为了追求安全而在价值观上妥协，我们将会二者都失去；我们如果强化我们的价值观，我们会保持影响我们国力和世界领导地位的一个关键因素——这一因素将我们与我们的敌人和潜在的对手区别开来。

Pursuing Comprehensive Engagement

加强合作

Our foundation will support our efforts to engage nations, institutions, and peoples around the world on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect.

我们的国力能够支持我们在互惠互利、相互尊重的前提下与世界上的国家、组织和人民合作的努力。

Engagement is the active participation of the United States in relationships beyond our borders. It is, quite simply, the opposite of a self-imposed isolation that

denies us the ability to shape outcomes. Indeed, America has never succeeded through isolationism. As the nation that helped to build our international system after World War II and to bring about the globalization that came with the end of the Cold War, we must reengage the world on a comprehensive and sustained basis.

在与邻国的交往上，合作是一个重要组成部分。这与阻碍我们发展的闭关锁国行为恰恰相反。事实上，美国从来就没有从孤立主义中得到任何好处。就像二战后的国际体系在我们的帮助下进行了重建及冷战后我们将世界带向了全球化一样，我们必须在更大范围内推进世界合作。

Engagement begins with our closest friends and allies—from Europe to Asia; from North America to the Middle East. These nations share a common history of struggle on behalf of security, prosperity, and democracy. They share common values and a common commitment to

international norms that recognize both the rights and responsibilities of all sovereign nations. America’s

national security depends on these vibrant alliances, and we must engage them as active partners in addressing global and regional security priorities and harnessing new opportunities to advance common interests. For instance, we pursue close and regular collaboration with our close allies the United Kingdom, France, and Germany on issues of mutual and global concern.

合作始于我们最亲近的朋友及同盟——从欧洲到亚洲，从北美到中东。这些国家有着为了安全、繁荣和民主而奋斗的相似历史。他们有着相同的价值观，同时都认识到了每一个独立自主的国家应在国际事务中享有的权利和义务。美国的国家安全依赖于这些生机勃勃的同盟，并且我们必须把他们当作是在处理国际和地区安全问题以及利用新的机会促进共同利益的重要合作伙伴。比如，在相互利益和全球事务上，我们与我们的坚实同盟英国、法国和德国进行了深入合作。

East to Southeast Asia. Our ability to advance constructive cooperation is essential to the security and prosperity of specific regions, and to facilitating global cooperation on issues ranging from violent extremism and nuclear proliferation, to climate change, and global economic instability—issues that challenge all nations, but that no one nation alone can meet.

我们也会加强与其他在21世纪有重要影响的国家联系——包括中国、印度和俄罗斯——建立在互惠互利、相互尊重的前提下。我们也会通过外交手段和新方法支持新的、成功的合作伙伴的崛起——从美洲到非洲、从中东到东南亚。我们推进有建设性合作的能力对特定地区的安全和繁荣有重要的影响，并可以促进全球在恐怖组织、核扩散、气候变化和经济动荡等事务上的合作——这些事务对所有国家都形成了挑战，但是任何一个国家都不能独自应对。

To adversarial governments, we offer a clear choice: abide by international norms, and achieve the political and

create opportunities to resolve differences, strengthen the international community’s support for our actions, learn about the intentions and nature of closed regimes, and plainly demonstrate to the publics within those nations that their governments are to blame for their isolation. 对于哪些反对合作的政府，我们提供一个清晰的选择：遵守国际规则，并通过融入国际社会来获得政治和经济上的利益，或者拒绝走这一条路，并承受这一决定的后果，包括巨大的鼓励。通过合作，我们可以创建解决分歧的机会、加强国际社会对我们行动的支持、了解有相似政体国家的意图和特征以及向公众证明政府的闭关锁国行为是应当受到谴责的。

Finally, we will pursue engagement among peoples—not just governments—around the world. The United States Government will make a sustained effort to engage civil society and citizens and facilitate increased connections among the American people and peoples around the world—through efforts ranging from public service and educational exchanges, to increased commerce and private sector partnerships. In many instances, these modes of engagement have a powerful and enduring impact beyond our borders, and are a cost-effective way

of projecting a positive vision of American leadership. Time and again, we have seen that the best ambassadors for American values and interests are the American people—our businesses, nongovernmental organizations,

scientists, athletes, artists, military service members, and students.

最后，我们会与世界范围内的人民加强合作——不仅仅是政府。美国政府会在促进公民社会、加强美国人民和世界范围内人民的联系上做出不懈的努力——通过公共服务和教育交流来加强商业和私人部门的伙伴关系。在很多方面，这些合作方法会对其他国家产生巨大的影响，并且是树立积极的美国领导地位的好方法。我们无数次的看到宣扬美国价值观和兴趣的最好大使是美国人民——包括我们的商业、非政府组织、科学家、运动员、艺术家、军事服务人员和学生。

Successful engagement will depend upon the effective use and integration of different elements of American power. Our diplomacy and development capabilities must help prevent conflict, spur economic growth, strengthen weak and failing states, lift people out of poverty, combat climate change and epidemic disease, and strengthen institutions of democratic governance. Our military will continue strengthening its capacity to partner with

foreign counterparts, train and assist security forces, and pursue military-to-military ties with a broad range of governments. We will continue to foster economic and financial transactions to advance our shared prosperity. And our intelligence and law enforcement agencies must cooperate effectively with foreign governments to

anticipate events, respond to crises, and provide safety and security.

成功的合作依赖于有效的综合利用美国国力的不同部分。我们的外交和发展能力应当阻止冲突、刺激经济发展、帮组弱小及失败的国家、帮助人们脱贫、对抗气候变和瘟疫以及加强民主政府联盟。我们的军队会继续加强与国外当地政府合作的能力、帮助培训安全兵力的能力以及与更多的国家加强军事协作的能力。我们会继续促进经济和金融事务以共享繁荣。在重大事件、应对危机及提供安全方面，我们的情报人员和执法部门必须与国外政府进行有效的合作。

Facilitating increased international engagement outside of government will help prepare our country to thrive in a global economy, while building the goodwill and

relationships that are invaluable to sustaining American leadership. It also helps leverage strengths that are unique

to America—our diversity and diaspora populations, our openness and creativity, and the values that our people embody in their own lives.

加强政府外的合作会为我们国家做好在全球化经济中生存的准备，同时创建对美国的领导地位来说有不可估量价值的声誉和关系。这也有助于推行只有美国具有的优点——我们人口的多样性、我们的开放性和创造力以及我们的人民在生活中展现出的价值理念。

Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order 推进公平及可持续的国际秩序

Our engagement will underpin a just and sustainable international order—just, because it advances mutual interests, protects the rights of all, and holds accountable those who refuse to meet their responsibilities;

sustainable because it is based on broadly shared norms and fosters collective action to address common

challenges.

我们的合作能够巩固一个公平及可持续的国际秩序——公平是因为合作能促进共同利益、保护所有人的权利，而那些不负责任

的国家也会为自己的行为付出代价；可持续是因为合作是建立在广泛的、共同的标准之上并且倡导通过集体行动来应对共同挑战。

This engagement will pursue an international order that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations. As we did after World War II, we must pursue a rules-based international system that can advance our own interests by serving mutual interests. International institutions must be more effective and representative of the diffusion of influence in the 21st century. Nations must have

incentives to behave responsibly, or be isolated when they do not. The test of this international order must be the cooperation it facilitates and the results it generates—the ability of nations to come together to confront common challenges like violent extremism, nuclear proliferation, climate change, and a changing global economy.

这一合作会形成一个每个国家都有权利和义务的国际秩序。就像我们在二战后做的一样，我们必须建立一个可以达到双赢，从而符合我们的利益的基于规则的国际秩序。国际惯例必须能更有效的代表21世纪的特点。每个国家必须有负责任的动力，否则就会被孤立。这一国际秩序对合作的促进和它产生的结果必能对这

一秩序做出评价——国家之间合作应对共同挑战的能力，比粗恐怖注意、核扩散、气候变化和全球经济的变化。

That is precisely the reason we should strengthen

enforcement of international law and our commitment to engage and modernize international institutions and frameworks. Those nations that refuse to meet their responsibilities will forsake the opportunities that come with international cooperation. Credible and effective alternatives to military action—from sanctions to isolation—must be strong enough to change behavior, just as we must reinforce our alliances and our military capabilities. And if nations challenge or undermine an international order that is based upon rights and responsibilities, they must find themselves isolated.

这恰好就是我们应该继续推进国际法和承诺构建现代化的国际组织和框架的原因。那些拒绝承担责任的国家同时也会失去国际合作所带来的机会。可靠而有效的军事行动——从制裁到孤立——必须足够强大到改变对方的行为，就像我们必须加强我们的同盟及我们的军事能力一样。并且如果有挑战或者是暗中破坏基于权利和责任的国际秩序的国家的时候，这些国家就会遭受被孤立的后果。

We succeeded in the post-World War II era by pursuing our interests within multilateral forums like the United Nations—not outside of them. We recognized that

institutions that aggregated the national interests of many nations would never be perfect; but we also saw that they were an indispensable vehicle for pooling international resources and enforcing international norms. Indeed, the basis for international cooperation since World War II has been an architecture of international institutions,

organizations, regimes, and standards that establishes certain rights and responsibilities for all sovereign nations. 二战后，我们通过诸如联合国之类的多边论坛去获得我们的利益。我们认识到聚集了各个国家利益的组织从来都不会完美，但是我们也看到这是一个不可或缺的共用国际资源、推进国际惯例的手段。事实上，从二战开始，国际合作的基础就是国际机构、国际组织、国际制度和基于每个主权国家特定权利和义务的国际标准。

In recent years America’s frustration with international institutions has led us at times to engage the United

Nations (U.N.) system on an ad hoc basis. But in a world of transnational challenges, the United States will need to

invest in strengthening the international system, working from inside international institutions and frameworks to face their imperfections head on and to mobilize transnational cooperation.

最近几年，美国在国际惯例上屡遭挫折，这就使得我们不得不求助于联合国系统。但是面对跨国挑战，美国应当在强化国际系统上做出努力，从国际惯例和框架内部着手来应对存在的问题并动员跨国组织。

We must be clear-eyed about the factors that have

impeded effectiveness in the past. In order for collective action to be mobilized, the polarization that persists

across region, race, and religion will need to be replaced by a galvanizing sense of shared interest. Swift and

effective international action often turns on the political will of coalitions of countries that comprise regional or international institutions. New and emerging powers who seek greater voice and representation will need to accept greater responsibility for meeting global challenges. When nations breach agreed international norms, the

countries who espouse those norms must be convinced to band together to enforce them.

我们对过去的阻力有一个清醒的认识。为了调动共同行动的积极性，地区、种族和宗教之间的差异应当被共有的利益所取代。迅速、有效的国际行动通常始于政见相同的地区组织或国际组织的联盟。在应对国际挑战的时候，那些要求更多话语权和表现积极的新型力量应承担更大的责任。当由国家违反国际惯例的时候，其他承认国际惯例的国家应该联合起来反对。

We will expand our support to modernizing institutions and arrangements such as the evolution of the G-8 to the G-20 to reflect the realities of today’s international environment. Working with the institutions and the countries that comprise them, we will enhance

international capacity to prevent conflict, spur economic growth, improve security, combat climate change, and address the challenges posed by weak and failing states. And we will challenge and assist international institutions and frameworks to reform when they fail to live up to their promise. Strengthening the legitimacy and authority of international law and institutions, especially the U.N., will require a constant struggle to improve performance. 我们会支持国际惯例和约定的现代化，比如将G-8变为G-20以应对当今的国际环境。我们会与这些组织和国家一起努力来提

高阻止冲突、刺激经济增长、确保安全、应对气候变化以及应对邪恶国家挑战的能力。当国际组织或国际框架无法履行它们的诺言的时候，我们会提出质问并帮助这些组织做出改革。提高国际法和国际组织的合法性及权威性，尤其是联合国，需要我们不懈的努力。

Furthermore, our international order must recognize the increasing influence of individuals in today’s world. There must be opportunities for civil society to thrive within

nations and to forge connections among them. And there must be opportunities for individuals and the private sector to play a major role in addressing common challenges—whether supporting a nuclear fuel bank, promoting global health, fostering entrepreneurship, or exposing violations of universal rights. In the 21st century, the ability of individuals and nongovernment actors to play a positive role in shaping the international

environment represents a distinct opportunity for the United States.

另外，我们的国际秩序必须意识到当今社会上个体的巨大影响。我们必须为公民创造在国家中发展的机会并与他们加强联系。在应对共同挑战上，个体和私人组织也肯定有扮演重要角色的机会

——如是否支持核原料银行、推动全球健康、培养企业家或揭露违反国际权利的行为。在21世纪，，个体和非政府组织在改变国际环境上扮演积极角色的能力，对美国有着很大的影响。

Within this context, we know that an international order where every nation upholds its rights and responsibilities will remain elusive. Force will sometimes be necessary to confront threats. Technology will continue to bring with it new dangers. Poverty and disease will not be completely abolished. Oppression will always be with us. But if we recognize these challenges, embrace America’s

responsibiity to confront them with its partners, and forge new cooperative approaches to get others to join us in overcoming them, then the international order of a

加入我们以共同应对挑战，那么全球化时代的国际秩序将会更好的提升我们的利益以及各个国家和人民的共同利益。 2010美国国家安全战略——第二章战略途径（2）——我们要构建的世界

The Strategic Approach—The World We Seek

战略途径——我们要构建的世界

communism, we shaped our practices and institutions at home—and policies abroad—to meet this challenge. Now, we must once again position the United States to

champion mutual interests among nations and peoples. 过去，当我们的国家及安全政策主动适应变化（而不是被动改变）的时候，美利坚合众国总是能变得兴旺发达。例如，当工业革命

发生的时候，美国改变了自己的经济及在世界上的角色；当全世界都在对抗法西斯主义的时候，美国为赢得战争和战后重塑和平环境做准备；当美国面临来自共产主义国家的意识形态、经济和军事威胁的时候，我们重新制订了国内外的规则来应对挑战。现在，我们必须再次重新评估美国以保障国家及人民之间的利益。 Building Our Foundation

强根固本

Our national security begins at home. What takes place within our borders has always been the source of our strength, and this is even truer in an age of

interconnection.

我们的国家安全始于国内。与其他国家进行的一切交流都依赖于我们自己的国力，在这个联系日益紧密的时代这一点显得尤为突出。

serves as a wellspring for our power. It pays for our military, underwrites our diplomacy and development efforts, and serves as a leading source of our influence in the world. Moreover, our trade and investment supports millions of American jobs, forges links among countries, spurs global development, and contributes to a stable and peaceful political and economic environment.

Years of rising fiscal and trade deficits will also necessitate hard choices in the years ahead.

然而，虽然我们保持了我们的军事优势，我们的竞争力在最近几年还是有所倒退。在与美国的力量息息相关的关键领域，我们正在从投资不足中恢复过来。我们在像教育、能源、科技、卫生保健等方面没有足够的优势，然而所有的这些对美国的竞争力、长期繁荣和力量都很重要。上涨了几年的财政收入和贸易逆差在未来的几年仍不可避免。

best-educated workforce, a private sector that fosters innovation, and citizens and businesses that can access affordable health care to compete in a globalized

economy. We must transform the way that we use energy—diversifying supplies, investing in innovation, and

deploying clean energy technologies. By doing so, we will enhance energy security, create jobs, and fight climate change.

这就是我们重振经济的原因，它可以被看做是一个为美国人创造更多就会的引擎及美国在国外影响力的源头。美利坚合众国必须确保拥有世界上受过最好教育的劳动力、拥有专注于创新的私人部门以及能支付得起医疗保健费用并在全球化市场经济中有竞争力的公民和企业。我们必须改变使用能源的方式——使供给多样化、在创新上投资及研究清洁能源技术。通过这些举措，我们可以促进能源安全、创造工作岗位并与气候变化作斗争。

重振经济要求我们必须实现财政稳定。事实上，实现我们的国家安全战略需要一系列正规方法，以分清主次并在有竞争的项目或活动上做出权衡。总的来说，这些努力可以促进我们在全球市场

上的成功，并同时可以强化我们的国家安全能力——包括我们的军事力量、智慧、外交和发展以及国家的安全和弹性力。

We are now moving beyond traditional distinctions between homeland and national security. National security draws on the strength and resilience of our citizens, communities, and economy. This includes a determination to prevent terrorist attacks against the

土地与国家安全之间的传统区别已经不复存在。国家安全依赖于我们的公民、团体和经济的实力及弹性。这包括通过协调在国外的行动和在国内的防御来抵制恐怖袭击。还包括在保持人员和商品自由流动的前提下，承担建设一个更加安全和负有弹性的国家

的责任。我们会继续重建可以确保我国人民安全并促进与他国合作的基础设施的同时，提高应对我们所面临的威胁和危险的能力。

America’s example is also a critical component of our foundation. The human rights which America has stood for since our founding have enabled our leadership, provided a source of inspiration for peoples around the world, and drawn a clear contrast between the United States and our democratic allies, and those nations and individuals that deny or suppress human rights. Our

compromised our fidelity to the values that we promote, and our leadership on their behalf. This undercuts our ability to support democratic movements abroad,

Our values have allowed us to draw the best and brightest to our shores, to inspire those who share our cause abroad, and to give us the credibility to stand up to tyranny. America must demonstrate through words and deeds the resilience of our values and Constitution. For if we compromise our values in pursuit of security, we will undermine both; if we fortify them, we will sustain a key source of our strength and leadership in the world—one that sets us apart from our enemies and our potential competitors.

Pursuing Comprehensive Engagement

加强合作

Our foundation will support our efforts to engage nations, institutions, and peoples around the world on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect.

我们的国力能够支持我们在互惠互利、相互尊重的前提下与世界上的国家、组织和人民合作的努力。

Engagement is the active participation of the United States in relationships beyond our borders. It is, quite simply, the opposite of a self-imposed isolation that

international norms that recognize both the rights and responsibilities of all sovereign nations. America’s

We will continue to deepen our cooperation with other 21st century centers of influence—including China, India, and Russia—on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect. We will also pursue diplomacy and development that supports the emergence of new and successful partners, from the Americas to Africa; from the Middle East to Southeast Asia. Our ability to advance constructive cooperation is essential to the security and prosperity of specific regions, and to facilitating global cooperation on issues ranging from violent extremism and nuclear proliferation, to climate change, and global economic instability—issues that challenge all nations, but that no one nation alone can meet.

To adversarial governments, we offer a clear choice: abide by international norms, and achieve the political and

economic benefits that come with greater integration with the international community; or refuse to accept this pathway, and bear the consequences of that decision, including greater isolation. Through engagement, we can create opportunities to resolve differences, strengthen the international community’s support for our actions, learn about the intentions and nature of closed regimes, and plainly demonstrate to the publics within those nations that their governments are to blame for their isolation. 对于哪些反对合作的政府，我们提供一个清晰的选择：遵守国际规则，并通过融入国际社会来获得政治和经济上的利益，或者拒绝走这一条路，并承受这一决定的后果，包括巨大的鼓励。通过合作，我们可以创建解决分歧的机会、加强国际社会对我们行动的支持、了解有相似政体国家的意图和特征以及向公众证明政府的闭关锁国行为是应当受到谴责的。

Finally, we will pursue engagement among peoples—not just governments—around the world. The United States Government will make a sustained effort to engage civil

society and citizens and facilitate increased connections among the American people and peoples around the world—through efforts ranging from public service and educational exchanges, to increased commerce and private sector partnerships. In many instances, these modes of engagement have a powerful and enduring impact beyond our borders, and are a cost-effective way of projecting a positive vision of American leadership. Time and again, we have seen that the best ambassadors for American values and interests are the American people—our businesses, nongovernmental organizations,

scientists, athletes, artists, military service members, and students.

anticipate events, respond to crises, and provide safety and security.

及提供安全方面，我们的情报人员和执法部门必须与国外政府进行有效的合作。

Facilitating increased international engagement outside of government will help prepare our country to thrive in a global economy, while building the goodwill and

relationships that are invaluable to sustaining American leadership. It also helps leverage strengths that are unique to America—our diversity and diaspora populations, our openness and creativity, and the values that our people embody in their own lives.

Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order 推进公平及可持续的国际秩序

Our engagement will underpin a just and sustainable international order—just, because it advances mutual

interests, protects the rights of all, and holds accountable those who refuse to meet their responsibilities;

sustainable because it is based on broadly shared norms and fosters collective action to address common

challenges.

我们的合作能够巩固一个公平及可持续的国际秩序——公平是因为合作能促进共同利益、保护所有人的权利，而那些不负责任的国家也会为自己的行为付出代价；可持续是因为合作是建立在广泛的、共同的标准之上并且倡导通过集体行动来应对共同挑战。

challenges like violent extremism, nuclear proliferation, climate change, and a changing global economy.

这一合作会形成一个每个国家都有权利和义务的国际秩序。就像我们在二战后做的一样，我们必须建立一个可以达到双赢，从而符合我们的利益的基于规则的国际秩序。国际惯例必须能更有效的代表21世纪的特点。每个国家必须有负责任的动力，否则就会被孤立。这一国际秩序对合作的促进和它产生的结果必能对这一秩序做出评价——国家之间合作应对共同挑战的能力，比粗恐怖注意、核扩散、气候变化和全球经济的变化。

That is precisely the reason we should strengthen

We succeeded in the post-World War II era by pursuing our interests within multilateral forums like the United Nations—not outside of them. We recognized that

段。事实上，从二战开始，国际合作的基础就是国际机构、国际组织、国际制度和基于每个主权国家特定权利和义务的国际标准。

In recent years America’s frustration with international institutions has led us at times to engage the United

Nations (U.N.) system on an ad hoc basis. But in a world of transnational challenges, the United States will need to invest in strengthening the international system, working from inside international institutions and frameworks to face their imperfections head on and to mobilize transnational cooperation.

We must be clear-eyed about the factors that have

impeded effectiveness in the past. In order for collective action to be mobilized, the polarization that persists

across region, race, and religion will need to be replaced by a galvanizing sense of shared interest. Swift and

effective international action often turns on the political

will of coalitions of countries that comprise regional or international institutions. New and emerging powers who seek greater voice and representation will need to accept greater responsibility for meeting global challenges. When nations breach agreed international norms, the

countries who espouse those norms must be convinced to band together to enforce them.

international capacity to prevent conflict, spur economic growth, improve security, combat climate change, and address the challenges posed by weak and failing states.

And we will challenge and assist international institutions and frameworks to reform when they fail to live up to their promise. Strengthening the legitimacy and authority of international law and institutions, especially the U.N., will require a constant struggle to improve performance. 我们会支持国际惯例和约定的现代化，比如将G-8变为G-20以应对当今的国际环境。我们会与这些组织和国家一起努力来提高阻止冲突、刺激经济增长、确保安全、应对气候变化以及应对邪恶国家挑战的能力。当国际组织或国际框架无法履行它们的诺言的时候，我们会提出质问并帮助这些组织做出改革。提高国际法和国际组织的合法性及权威性，尤其是联合国，需要我们不懈的努力。

Furthermore, our international order must recognize the increasing influence of individuals in today’s world. There must be opportunities for civil society to thrive within

the ability of individuals and nongovernment actors to play a positive role in shaping the international

environment represents a distinct opportunity for the United States.

另外，我们的国际秩序必须意识到当今社会上个体的巨大影响。我们必须为公民创造在国家中发展的机会并与他们加强联系。在应对共同挑战上，个体和私人组织也肯定有扮演重要角色的机会——如是否支持核原料银行、推动全球健康、培养企业家或揭露违反国际权利的行为。在21世纪，，个体和非政府组织在改变国际环境上扮演积极角色的能力，对美国有着很大的影响。

responsibiity to confront them with its partners, and forge new cooperative approaches to get others to join us in overcoming them, then the international order of a

globalized age can better advance our interests and the common interests of nations and peoples everywhere. 在这一节，我们知道这个每个国家都有权利和责任的国际秩序仍有许多不确定性。有时候，武力是应对威胁的必要方式。科技将会继续带来新的危险，贫穷和疾病不会被完全废止，压迫也会一直存在。但是如果我们意识到了这些挑战，承认美国的责任并与我们的合作伙伴一起应对挑战，同时建立新的合作途径让其他人加入我们以共同应对挑战，那么全球化时代的国际秩序将会更好的提升我们的利益以及各个国家和人民的共同利益。 2010美国国家安全战略——第二章战略途径（3）：提高国家能力——政府的做法

StrengtheningNational Capacity—A Whole ofGovernment Approach<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

提高国家能力——政府的做法<o< o<="" span=""></o<> <o < o<="" span=""></o <>

Tosucceed, we must update, balance, and integrate all of the tools of Americanpower and work with our allies and partners to do the same. Our military mustmaintain its conventional superiority and, as long as nuclear weapons exist,our nuclear deterrent capability, while continuing to enhance its capacity todefeat asymmetric threats, preserve access to the global commons, andstrengthen

partners. We must invest in diplomacy and development capabilitiesand institutions in a way that complements and reinforces our global partners.Our intelligence capabilities must continuously evolve to identify

andcharacterize conventional and asymmetric threats and provide timely insight.And we must integrate our approach to homeland security with our broadernational security approach.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

为了成功，我们必须更新、平衡、融合美国国力的各个方面，并与我们的同盟和伙伴合作，从而取得成功。我们的军队必须保持它的传统优势，并且，只要有核武器存在，我们的反核能力及应对非对称威胁的能力就应得到加强，并确保随时可以到达世界上的任何一个角落，同时要增强我们合作伙伴的能力。我们必须在外交和发展能力上投入更多，以补充及增强我们全球合作伙伴的能力。我们的情报人员必须继续查找和识别传统和非对称威胁，并提供及时的信息。同时，我们必须将土地安全方略及更广泛意义上的国家安全方略结合起来。<o< o<="" span=""></o<> <o < o<="" span=""></o <>

We areimproving the integration of skills and capabilities within our military andcivilian institutions, so they complement each other and operate seamlessly. Weare also improving coordinated planning and policymaking and must

build ourcapacity in key areas where we fall short. This requires close cooperation withCongress and a deliberate and inclusive interagency process, so that we

achieveintegration of our efforts to implement and monitor operations, policies, andstrategies. To initiate this effort, the White House merged the staffs of theNational Security Council and Homeland Security Council.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

在军事和民用技术及能力上，我们正在促进二者之间的整合，使得它们可以优势互补并有效运行。我们正在努力促使政策和计划想协调，同时对于那些关键领域的短板，我们要提高自己的能力。这需要与国会的紧密协作和一个经过深思熟虑的、全面的协调过程，以便我们整合我们的力量来贯彻我们的策略及战略。为了着手这一行动，白宫将国土安全委员会和国家安全委员会的员工合在了一起。<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

However,work remains to foster coordination across departments and agencies. Key stepsinclude more

effectively ensuring alignment of resources with our nationalsecurity strategy, adapting the education and trainingof national security professionals to equip them to meet modern challenges, reviewing authorities and

mechanisms to implement andcoordinate assistance programs, and other policies and programs that

strengthencoordination.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

然而，我们的主要任务还是促进各部门的和谐发展。有几个偏重点，包括：确保资源可以有效的支持国家安全战略，改进教育方式、培养能应对当代挑战的国家安全战略专家，审查各种机构和机制以更好的发挥辅助系统的功效，还有其他可以促进和谐的政策和机制。<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

Defense: We arestrengthening our military to ensure that it can prevail in today’s wars; toprevent and deter threats against the United States, its interests, and our allies and partners; andprepare to defend

the United States in a wide range of

contingenciesagainst state and nonstate actors. We will continue to rebalance our militarycapabilities to excel at counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, stabilityoperations, and meeting increasingly sophisticated security threats, whileensuring our force is ready to address the full range of military operations.This includes preparing for increasingly sophisticated adversaries, deterringand defeating aggression in anti-access environments, and

defending the United Statesand supporting civil authorities at home. The most valuable component of ournational defense is the men and women who make up America’s all-volunteer force. Theyhave shown tremendous resilience, adapability, and capacity for innovation, andwe will provide our service members with the resources that they need tosucceed and rededicate ourselves to providing support and care for

woundedwarriors, veterans, and military families. We must set the force on a path tosustainable deployment cycles and preserve and enhance the long-term viabilityof our force through successful recruitment, retention, and

recognition ofthose who serve.<o< o<="" span=""></o<> 国防：我们正在加强我们的军事实力以确保它可以在当代战争中占优；来预防及制止针对美国和其利益、我们的同盟及合作伙伴的威胁；并准备好在一系列的意外事故中对抗有政府及无政府组织以保卫美国。我们仍然会重新平衡我们的军事能力，以便在反恐、反叛乱、维稳和其他日益增加的、复杂的安全威胁中表现突出，同时也要确保我们的军队做好了进行大规模军事行动的准备。这包括应对日益增加的、复杂的对手，阻止并打败非法侵略以及在国内保卫美国并支持民权。我们国防最珍贵的组成部分是自愿参军的国民。他们展示除了极大的恢复力、适应性及创新能力，

我们会为这些为我们服务的人提供成功所需要的一切支持，同时奉献自己来支持并照顾伤员、老兵及军人家庭。我们必须确保我们的军队能够可持续发展，同时要通过成功的征兵、留用及酬谢制度来维持并提高我们军队的长期能力。<o< o<=""

span=""></o<>

Diplomacy: Diplomacy is asfundamental to our national security as our defense capability. Our diplomatsare the first line of engagement, listening to our partners, learning fromthem, building respect for one another, and seeking common ground. Diplomats,development experts, and others in the United States Government must be able towork side by side to support a common agenda. New skills are needed to foster effectiveinteraction to convene, connect, and mobilize not only other governments andinternational organizations, but also nonstate actors such as

corporations,foundations, nongovernmental organizations, universities, think tanks, andfaith-based organizations, all of whom increasingly have a distinct role toplay on both diplomatic and development issues. To accomplish these goals our diplomaticpersonnel and missions must be expanded at home and abroad to support theincreasingly

transnational nature of 21st century security challenges. And wemust provide the appropriate authorities and

mechanisms to implement andcoordinate assistance programs and grow the civilian expeditionary capacityrequired to assist governments on a diverse array of issues.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

外交：就像国防一样，外交对我们的国家安全也很重要。我们的外交官是合作的先头兵，他们认真倾听、学习我们的合作伙伴、互相尊重并达成共识。外交官、发展专家和美国政府的其他人员必须一起努力来支持公共事务。在召集、联系和调动等交流方式上，要加强有效性，这需要依赖新的技术，不仅仅是其他政府和国际组织需要，而且那些非政府组织也需要，比如：公司、机构、非政府组织、大学、思想家和有信用的组织，在发展和外交事务上，他们都扮演着清晰的角色。为了达到这一目标，我们的外交人员和外交任务必须在国内外同步发展，以应对21世纪日益复杂的安全挑战。我们必须帮助有关当局和机构完善辅助系统，并且要提高公民在国外的生存能力以在各种各样的事务中做政府的好帮手。<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

Economic:Our economic institutions are crucial components of our national capacity andour economic instruments are the bedrock of sustainable national growth,prosperity and

influence. The Office of Management and Budget,

Departments ofthe Treasury, State, Commerce, Energy, and Agriculture, United States TradeRepresentative, Federal Reserve Board, and other institutions help manage ourcurrency, trade, foreign investment, deficit,

inflation, productivity, andnational competitiveness. Remaining a vibrant 21st century economic power

alsorequires close cooperation between and among developed nations and emergingmarkets because of the interdependent nature of the global economy. America—likeother nations—is dependent uponoverseas markets to sell its exports and maintain access to scarce commoditiesand resources. Thus, finding overlapping mutual economic interests with

othernations and maintaining those economic relationships are key elements of ournational security strategy.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

经济：我们的经济制度是国家能力的重要组成部分，并且我们的经济是支撑国家发展、繁荣和影响力的根基。管理和预算办公室、财政部、州、贸易、能源、农业、美国贸易代表、美联储和其他机构一起管理着我们的货币、贸易、国外投资、赤字、通货膨胀、生产力和国家竞争力。由于全球经济互相依赖的特征，要在21世纪继续保持经济的活力需要与其他发达国家和新型市场的合

作。美国，就像其他国家一样，依赖于向国外市场的出口和对稀缺商品和资源的进口。因此，找到和其他国家在经济利益上的共赢之处并保持这些经济关系，是国家安全的一个关键因素。<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

Development:Development is a strategic, economic, and moral imperative. We are focusing onassisting developing countries and their people to manage security threats,reap the benefits of global economic expansion, and set in place accountableand democratic institutions that serve basic human needs. Through an aggressiveand affirmative development agenda and commensurate resources, we

canstrengthen the regional partners we need to help us stop conflicts and counterglobal criminal networks; build a stable, inclusive global economy with newsources of prosperity; advance democracy and human rights; and

ultimatelyposition ourselves to better address key global challenges by growing the ranksof prosperous, capable, and democratic states that can be our partners in thedecades ahead. To do this, we are expanding our civilian developmentcapability; engaging with international financial institutions that leverageour resources and

advance our objectives; pursuing a development budget thatmore deliberately reflects our policies and our

strategy, not sector earmarks;and ensuring that our policy instruments are aligned in support of

developmentobjectives.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

发展：不论是从战略上、经济上还是道义上讲，发展都是必要的。我们致力于帮助发展中国家和他们的人民应对安全威胁以及享受全球经济扩展带来的好处，在这个过程中，我们都是以最符合人类基本需求的负责任的和民主的姿态出现。通过负有争议却明确的发展日程及相应的所需资源，我们可以加强我们合作伙伴的力量，以便让他们帮助我们阻止冲突，同时对抗全球犯罪网络，利用新的繁荣之源建立稳定的、完善的世界经济，推进民主和人权，最终通过增加繁荣的、有能力的和民主的国家的数量，以使我们可以更好的应对全球挑战，因为在未来的几十年中，这些国家可以成为我们的合作伙伴。为了达到这一目的，我们正在提高人民的能力；我们积极参与国际金融事务，以调节我们的资源并推进我们的价值观；我们推出新的政府预算，以支持我们的政策和战略，而不是特定部门；我们确保政策和发展目标相一致。<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

HomelandSecurity: Homeland security traces its roots to traditional and historicfunctions of government and

society, such as civil defense, emergency response,law enforcement, customs, border patrol, and immigration. In the aftermath of9/11 and the foundation of the Department of Homeland Security, these functionshave taken on new organization and urgency. Homeland security,

therefore,strives to adapt these traditional functions to confront new threats andevolving hazards. It is not simply about government action alone, but ratherabout the

collective strength of the entire country. Our approach relies on ourshared efforts to identify and interdict threats; deny hostile actors theability to operate within our borders; maintain effective control of ourphysical borders; safeguard lawful trade and travel into and out of the UnitedStates; disrupt and dismantle transnational terrorist, and criminal organizations;and ensure our national resilience in the face of the threat and hazards. Takentogether, these efforts must support a homeland that is safe and secure fromterrorism and other hazards and in which American interests, aspirations, andway of life can thrive.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

国土安全：国土安全要追溯于政府和社会传统的和历史的功能，比如保护国民、紧急响应、法律制定、海关、边境训练和移民。

9.11后和国土安全部建立后，有了实现这些功能的组织，同时也有了紧迫性。因此，国家安全部门应当努力改变这些旧的功能以应对新的威胁和危害。单靠政府的行动是不够的，而是要靠整个国家力量的集合。我们的战略方法需要我们共同努力，以认清并制止威胁、阻止邪恶势力出现在我们的边境、有效的保护好我们的边界、保卫好出入美国的贸易和旅行的合法通道；扰乱并消除跨国恐怖组织和犯罪团伙；确保在遇到威胁和危机时我们的国家反弹力。总的来说，在面对恐怖组织和其他危险的时候，这些努力必须能够确保国土安全以及美国的利益、愿望和生活方式的发展兴旺。<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

Intelligence:Our country’s safety and prosperity depend on the quality of the intelligencewe collect and the analysis we produce, our ability to evaluate and share thisinformation in a timely manner, and our ability to counter intelligencethreats. This is as true for the strategic intelligence that informs executivedecisions as it is for intelligence support to homeland security, state, local,and tribal governments, our troops, and critical national missions. We areworking to better integrate the Intelligence Community, while also enhancingthe

capabilities of our Intelligence Community members. We are

strengtheningour partnerships with foreign intelligence services and sustaining strong tieswith our close allies. And we continue to invest in the men and women of theIntelligence Community.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

情报：我们国家的安全和繁荣依赖于我们收集的情报和分析报告的质量、我们及时评估信息的能力以及应对情报威胁的能力。不论是促进制定可行性决定的战略情报还是支持国土安全、州政府、地方政府、私人组织、我们的军队以及其他有争议的国家任务的情报，以上能力都很重要。我们一直致力于更好的融合我们的情报部门，同时也致力于提高情报人员的能力。我们通过我们的国外情报服务，加强与其他国家的伙伴关系，同时与我们的同盟国保持紧密联系。同时，在情报组织里，我们一直在培养新人。<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

StrategicCommunications: Across all of our efforts, effective strategic communicationsare essential to sustaining global legitimacy and supporting our policy aims.Aligning our actions with our words is a shared responsibility that must befostered by a culture of

communication throughout government. We must also bemore effective in our deliberate communication and engagement and do a betterjob understanding the attitudes, opinions,

grievances, and concerns of peoples—not justelites—around the world. Doing so allows us to convey credible, consistentmessages and to develop effective plans, while better understanding how ouractions will be perceived. We must also use a broad range of methods forcommunicating with foreign publics, including new media.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

战略交流：在我们努力的过程中，有效的战略交流对于维持全球律法和达到我们的目标有着重要的意义。言行一致需要政府的不断努力。在那些经过深思熟虑的交流和约定上，必须要令人印象深刻，同时要理解世界人民（不仅仅是精英）的态度、看法、不满和忧虑。这样可以传送信任和始终如一的消息，同时也可以促使制定有效的计划，也就能更好的指导我们的行动。我们也必须使用其他方法加强与外国公众的联系，包括新媒体。<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

TheAmerican People and the Private Sector: The ideas, values, energy, creativity,and resilience of our citizens are America’s greatest resource. Wewill support the development of prepared, vigilant, and engaged communities andunderscore that our citizens are the heart of a

resilient country. And we musttap the ingenuity outside

government through strategic partnerships with theprivate sector, nongovernmental organizations, foundations, and community-basedorganizations. Such partnerships are

critical to U.S. success at home and abroad,and we will support them through enhanced opportunities for

engagement,coordination, transparency, and information sharing.<o< o<="" span=""></o<>

美国人民和私人组织：我们的公民的意见、价值观、能力、创造力和恢复力是美国最大的资源。我们会支持有所准备的、警觉的和登记的团体和地下组织的发展，因为人民是这个国家的心脏。同时，我们必须通过和私人组织、非政府组织、基金会和各种团体的战略合作来利用好政府之外的资源。这些合作关系对美国在国内外的成功有着重要的影响，同时我们会通过在规定、协调、透明性和信息共享方面提供机会来支持他们。 2010美国国家安全战略——第三章提升国家利益（2）——繁荣

Prosperity

繁荣

“The answers to our problems don’t lie beyond our reach. They exist in our laboratories and universities; in

our fields and our factories; in the imaginations of our entrepreneurs and the pride of the hardest-working

people on Earth. Those qualities that have made America the greatest force of progress and prosperity in human history we still possess in ample measure. What is

required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly the challenges we face, and take responsibility for our future once more.”

“解决我们问题的办法没有超出我们的能力。它们存在于我们的实验室和大学、我们的田野和工厂、我们企业家的想象力及地球上最勤奋的人民。使美国成为人类历史上最繁荣和最进步的最大动力是我们仍然拥有的这些品质。现在需要做的是，我们齐心协力、勇于面对我们所面临的挑战，并再一次为我们的未来尽应尽的责任。”

—President Barack Obama, Address to Joint Session of Congress, February 24, 2009

——总统奥巴马在美国国会联合会议上的讲话，20xx年2月24日

The foundation of American leadership must be a

prosperous American economy. And a growing and open global economy serves as a source of opportunity for the American people and a source of strength for the United States. The free low of information, people, goods, and services has also advanced peace among nations, as those places that have emerged more prosperous are often more stable. Yet we have also seen how shocks to the global economy can precipitate disaster—including the loss of jobs, a decline in standards of living in parts of our country, and instability and a loss of U.S. influence abroad. Meanwhile, growing prosperity around the world has made economic power more diffuse, creating a more competitive environment for America’s people and businesses.

To allow each American to pursue the opportunity upon which our prosperity depends, we must build a stronger foundation for economic growth. That foundation must include access to a complete and competitive education for every American; a transformation of the way that we produce and use energy, so that we reduce our

dependence on fossil fuels and lead the world in creating new jobs and industry; access to quality, affordable health care so our people, businesses, and government are not constrained by rising costs; and the responsible

management of our Federal budget so that we balance our priorities and are not burdened by debt. To succeed, we must also ensure that America stays on the cutting edge of the science and innovation that supports our prosperity, defense, and international technological leadership.

为了让每个美国人得到我们的繁荣所依赖的机会，我们必须打下一个可以促进经济增长的坚实基础。这个基础必须包括：每个美国人都有机会获得一个完整的和有竞争力的教育；转变我们生产和使用能源的方式，使我们减少对化石燃料的依赖并为这个世界创造新的工作岗位和工厂；获得高质量的、负担得起的医疗服务，使得我们的人民、气也和政府不会受制于成本的上升；合理管理

我们的政府预算，是我们可以平衡重点并不被债务所累。为了取得成功，我们还必须确保美国继续支持我们繁荣、国防和国际科技领导地位能力的科学和创新。

This new foundation must underpin and sustain an

international economic system that is critical to both our prosperity and to the peace and security of the world. We must reinvigorate and fortify it for the 21st century: by preventing cycles of boom and bust with new rules of the road at home and abroad; by saving more and spending less; by resisting protectionism and promoting trade that is free and fair; by coordinating our actions with other countries, and reforming international institutions to give emerging economies a greater voice and greater responsibility; and by supporting development that promotes good governance, unleashes the potential of different populations, and creates new markets overseas. Taken together, these actions can ensure inclusive growth that is balanced and sustained.

新的基础必须能够巩固和维持对我们的繁荣及世界的和平和安全都至关重要的国际经济体系。我们必须为21世纪注入新的活力：防止国内外经济繁荣和萧条的周期轮番出现；提倡节约、节省开支；，抵制保护主义，促进自由贸易和公平贸易；协调我们

与其他国家之间的行动，同时改革国际机构以给新型经济体更大的发言权和责任；通过支持发展，促进良好治理，释放不同人群的潜力，并创建新的海外市场。做到了这些，就可以保证平衡而又持续的全面发展。

Strengthen Education and Human Capital

加强教育和人力资本

In a global economy of vastly increased mobility and interdependence, our own prosperity and leadership

depends increasingly on our ability to provide our citizens with the education that they need to succeed, while attracting the premier human capital for our workforce. We must ensure that the most innovative ideas take root in America, while providing our people with the skills that they need to compete. That means we must:

在流动性和相互依存性日益增加的全球化经济中，我们自己的繁荣和领导力越来越取决于我们是否有能力为我们的公民提供可以获得成功的教育，同时吸引我们需要的人才。我们必须确保最有创意的想法出自美国，同时为我国公民提供参与竞争所需要的技能。这意味着我们必须：

Improve Education at All Levels: The United States has lost ground in education, even as our competitiveness

depends on educating our children to succeed in a global economy based on knowledge and innovation. We are working to provide a complete and competitive education for all Americans, to include supporting high standards for early learning, reforming public schools, increasing access to higher education and job training, and promoting

high-demand skills and education for emerging industries. We will also restore U.S. leadership in higher education by seeking the goal of leading the world in the proportion of college graduates by 2020.

提高各级教育质量：美国已经失去了教育的基础，即使我们的竞争力依赖于教育我们的孩子在基于知识和创新的世界经济中取得成功。我们正在努力为所有美国人提供一个完整的和有竞争力的教育，包括支持高标准的早期教育、改革公立学校、加大高等教育和职业培训力度以及加大新型市场所需要的技术教育力度。我们也将通过在20xx年将高校毕业生的比例扩大到世界最高来恢复美国高等教育的领导地位。

Invest in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math Education (STEM): America’s long-term leadership

depends on educating and producing future scientists and innovators. We will invest more in STEM education so students can learn to think critically in science, math,

engineering, and technology; improve the quality of math and science teaching so American students are no longer outperformed by those in other nations; and expand STEM education and career opportunities for

underrepresented groups, including women and girls. We will work with partners—from the private-sector and nonprofit organizations to universities—to promote education and careers in science and technology.

在科学、技术、工程和数学教育（简称STEM）上投资：美国的长期领导力依赖于教育和培养未来的科学家和发明家。我们将在STEM上投入更多，以便让学生可以批判的学习思考科学、数学、工程和技术；提高数学和科学教学质量，以便让美国学生不会被其他国家的学生超过；加大STEM教育和为一些特殊群体增多就业机会，比如妇女和女孩。我们将与合作伙伴（从私营部门和非盈利组织到大学）一起促进教育和科学技术事业。

Increase International Education and Exchange: The pervasiveness of the English language and American cultural influence are great advantages to Americans traveling, working, and negotiating in foreign countries.

But we must develop skills to help us succeed in a

dynamic and diverse global economy. We will support programs that cultivate interest and scholarship in foreign languages and intercultural affairs, including international exchange programs. This will allow our citizens to build connections with peoples overseas and to develop skills and contacts that will help them thrive in the global

economy. We must also welcome more foreign exchange students to our shores, recognizing the benefits that can result from deeper ties with foreign publics and increased understanding of American society.

加强国际教育交流：英语的普及程度和美国文化的影响，是美国人在国外旅游、工作和谈判的巨大优势。但是，我们必须培养在一个充满活力和多样化的全球经济中成功的技能。我们将出台方案，培养对外国语言和文化（包括国际交流项目）的兴趣，并增设奖学金。这将使我国公民与海外人民建立关系，同时获得可以帮助他们在全球经济中茁壮成长的技能和关系。我们也必须欢迎更多的外国留学生来我们国家，承认这会使得我们和国外民众加深关系并增进他们对美国社会的了解。

Pursue Comprehensive Immigration Reform: The United States is a nation of immigrants. Our ability to innovate, our ties to the world, and our economic prosperity

depend on our nation’s capacity to welcome and

assimilate immigrants, and a visa system which welcomes skilled professionals from around the world. At the same time, effective border security and immigration

enforcement must keep the country safe and deter unlawful entry. Indeed, persistent problems in

immigration policy consume valuable resources needed to advance other security objectives and make it harder to focus on the most dangerous threats facing our country. Ultimately, our national security depends on striking a balance between security and openness. To advance this goal, we must pursue comprehensive immigration reform that effectively secures our borders, while repairing a broken system that fails to serve the needs of our nation.

进行全面的移民改革：美国是一个移民国家。我们的创新能力、我们和世界的纽带关系以及我们的经济繁荣取决于我们国家换音和同化移民的能力，以及欢迎来自世界各地专业人才的签证制度。同时，边境安全和移民执法必须要保证国家安全并防止非法入境。事实上，移民政策上存在的老问题耗费了了本应该用于其他安全目的的宝贵资源，同时也使得我们很难集中精力应对最大的威胁。最终，我们的国家安全取决于在安全性和开放性之间的

平衡。为了达到这一目标，我们必须坚持可以有效保证边界安全的全面移民改革，同时修复无法满足我们国家需要的制度。

Enhance Science, Technology, and Innovation

加强科学、技术和创新

Reaffirming America’s role as the global engine of scientific discovery and technological innovation has never been more critical. Challenges like climate change, pandemic disease, and resource scarcity demand new innovation. Meanwhile, the nation that leads the world in building a clean energy economy will enjoy a substantial economic and security advantage. That is why the

Administration is investing heavily in research, improving education in science and math, promoting developments in energy, and expanding international cooperation. 重申美国作为科学发现和技术创新的全球引擎这一角色的作用从未像现在这样重要。像来自气候变化、流行性疾病以及资源稀缺之类的挑战都需要新的创新。同时，带领世界建设清洁能源经济的国家将之经济和安全领域占有巨大优势。这就是政府增大研究投入、提高科学和数学教育、促进能源发展和扩大国际合作的原因。

Transform our Energy Economy: As long as we are

dependent on fossil fuels, we need to ensure the security and free low of global energy resources. But without significant and timely adjustments, our energy

dependence will continue to undermine our security and prosperity. This will leave us vulnerable to energy supply disruptions and manipulation and to changes in the environment on an unprecedented scale.

改造我们的能源经济：只要我们对化石燃料有所依赖，我们就必须确保全球能源资源流动的安全和自由。但是，如果没有重大的、及时的调整，我们对能源的依赖将继续影响我们的安全和繁荣。这将使我们在能源供应中断和操纵面前变的脆弱，同时也会给环境造成巨大影响。

The United States has a window of opportunity to lead in the development of clean energy technology. If successful, the United States will lead in this new Industrial

Revolution in clean energy that will be a major contributor to our economic prosperity. If we do not develop the policies that encourage the private sector to seize the opportunity, the United States will fall behind and

increasingly become an importer of these new energy technologies.

美国有机会引导清洁能源的开发。如果成功的话，美国将是新能源工业革命的领头羊，这将为我们的经济繁荣做出巨大的贡献。如果我们不建立鼓励私营部门抓住机遇的政策，美国就会落伍，同时会变成新能源技术的进口国。

We have already made the largest investment in clean energy in history, but there is much more to do to build on this foundation. We must continue to transform our energy economy, leveraging private capital to accelerate deployment of clean energy technologies that will cut greenhouse gas emissions, improve energy efficiency, increase use of renewable and nuclear power, reduce the dependence of vehicles on oil, and diversify energy sources and suppliers. We will invest in research and next-generation technology, modernize the way we distribute electricity, and encourage the usage of transitional fuels, while moving towards clean energy produced at home.

我们已经在新能源上进行了历史上最大的投资，但是在此基础上，仍然有许多工作要做。我们必须继续改变我们的能源经济，充分利用民间资本加快清洁能源技术的部署，以减少温室气体排放、提高能源利用效率、增大可再生能源和核能的使用、减少车辆对石油的依赖以及实现能源和供应商的多样化。我们将在科学研究和下一代技术上投资、使电力分配更加现代化，并在向清洁能源迈进的时候鼓励使用过渡燃料。

Invest in Research: Research and development is central to our broader national capacity. Incidents like the outbreak of H1N1 influenza and the challenge of

identifying new, renewable sources of energy highlight the importance of research in basic and applied science. We are reversing the decades-long decline in federal

funding for research, including the single largest infusion to basic science research in American history. Research and innovation is not something government can do on its own, which is why we will support and create incentives to encourage private initiatives. The United States has always excelled in our ability to turn science and

technology into engineering and products, and we must continue to do so in the future.

投资于研究：研究和开发是我们广泛的国家能力的核心。像H1N1流感的爆发和发现新的可再生能源的挑战使得基础研究和应用科学更加重要。我们正在扭转近十年来国家对研究投入减少的趋势，其中包括美国历史上单笔最大的对基础科学的投资。研究和创新不是单靠政府就可以做到的，这就是为什么我们会鼓励和支持私人创新。美国一直在将科学和研究转化为工程和产品上占有优势，今后我们也会继续这样做。

Expand International Science Partnerships: America’s scientific leadership has always been widely admired around the world, and we must continue to expand

cooperation and partnership in science and technology. We have launched a number of Science Envoys around the globe and are promoting stronger relationships between American scientists, universities, and researchers and their counterparts abroad. We will reestablish a commitment to science and technology in our foreign assistance efforts and develop a strategy for international science and national security.

加深国际间科技合作：美国的科学领导地位一直倍受世界范围内的好评，我们必须在科技领域继续扩大合作、加深伙伴关系。我们已经在世界各地派出了很多科学家，并致力于加强美国科学家、大学及研究人员和他们外国同行的紧密关系。我们将重新建立一个关于对外科技援助的承诺，同时出台一份关于国际科学和国家安全的战略。

Employ Technology to Protect our Nation: Our renewed commitment to science and technology—and our ability to apply the ingenuity of our public and private sectors toward the most difficult foreign policy and security challenges of our time—will help us protect our citizens and advance U.S. national security priorities. These include, for example, protecting U.S. and allied forces from asymmetric attacks; supporting arms control and

nonproliferation agreements; preventing terrorists from attacking our homeland; preventing and managing

widespread disease outbreaks; securing the supply chain; detecting weapons of mass destruction before they reach our borders; and protecting our information,

communication, and transportation infrastructure.

使用技术来保护我们的国家：我们对科技的再次承诺将帮助我们保护我们的公民以及推动国家安全优先事项的进展，同时我们使用公共和私人部门的特点应对艰难外交政策和当前面临挑战的能力也能达到这一目的。这些措施包括，例如：从保护美国及其盟国的不对称攻击；支持军队控制与防扩散协议；防止恐怖分子袭击我们的家园；预防和管理大范围疾病的暴发；确保供应链的安全；在大规模杀伤性武器到达我们的边境之前就探测到；保护我们的信息、通信和运输设施。

Leverage and Grow our Space Capabilities: For over 50 years, our space community has been a catalyst for

innovation and a hallmark of U.S. technological leadership. Our space capabilities underpin global commerce and scientific advancements and bolster our national security strengths and those of our allies and partners. To promote security and stability in space, we will pursue activities consistent with the inherent right of self-defense, deepen cooperation with allies and friends, and work with all

nations toward the responsible and peaceful use of space. To maintain the advantages afforded to the United States by space, we must also take several actions. We must

continue to encourage cutting-edge space technology by

investing in the people and industrial base that develops them. We will invest in the research and development of next-generation space technologies and capabilities that benefit our commercial, civil, scientific exploration, and national security communities, in order to maintain the viability of space for future generations. And we will promote a unified effort to strengthen our space

industrial base and work with universities to encourage students to pursue space-related careers.

调整并加强我们的空间技术：50多年来，我们的空间技术一直是社会创新的催化剂和美国技术领先的标志。我们的太空能力支撑着全球商业和科学进步以及鼓励着我们国家及盟友和合作伙伴的国家安全力量。为了促进太空的安全和稳定，我们在太空活动的同时也要自卫，同时与盟国和朋友加深合作，与所有国家一起履行实现太空的和平责任。为了维持美国在太空的优势，我们还必须采取一些行动。我们必须继续鼓励研发先进的空间技术，并在相关人和工厂身上投资。我们将在研究可以造福我们的商业、民事、科学探索和国家安全的下一代空间技术和能力上投资，以维持后代的生存空间。我们将继续一起努力强化我们的太空工业基地，并与大学合作，鼓励学生从事与空间研究相关的职业。 Achieve Balanced and Sustainable Growth

实现平衡和可持续的增长

Balanced and sustainable growth, at home and

throughout the global economy, drives the momentum of the U.S. economy and underpins our prosperity. A steadily growing global economy means an expanding market for exports of our goods and services. Over time, deepening linkages among markets and businesses will provide the setting in which the energies and entrepreneurship of our private sector can flourish, generating technologies, business growth, and job creation that will boost living standards for Americans. United States economic

leadership now has to adapt to the rising prominence of emerging economies; the growing size, speed, and sophistication of financial markets; the multiplicity of market participants around the globe; and the struggling economies that have so far failed to integrate into the global system.

国内乃至整个全球经济的平衡、可持续增长有利于推动美国经济的发展势头、巩固我们的繁荣。稳步增长的全球经济意味着我们的货物和服务出口市场的扩大。随着时间的推移，市场和企业之间的紧密联系将为我们私营部门和企业的蓬勃发展、技术创新、业务增长以及创造能够提高美国人生活水平的就业机会提供条

件。当前，美国经济的领导地位必须适应新型经济体的崛起；日益增长的金融市场的规模、速度和复杂性；全球市场参与者的多样性；以及到目前为止还没有融入全球体系的苦苦挣扎的经济体。

To promote prosperity for all Americans, we will need to lead the international community to expand the inclusive growth of the integrated, global economy. At the same time, we will need to lead international efforts to prevent a recurrence of economic imbalances and financial excesses, while managing the many security threats and global challenges that affect global economic stability. To

promote growth that can be balanced and sustained, we will:

为了促进所有美国人的繁荣，我们应当领导国际社会促进全球经济的包容性增长。同时，我们需要带领国际社会，努力防止经济失衡和金融危机的复发，同时努力应对影响全球经济稳定的安全威胁和全球性挑战。为了促进经济增长的平衡和可持续，我们将做到：

Prevent Renewed Instability in the Global Economy: The recent crisis taught us the very high cost of the boom and bust cycle that has plagued the global economy and has served neither the United States nor our international

partners. Once Americans found themselves in debt or out of work, our demand for foreign goods fell sharply. As foreign economies weakened, their financial institutions and public finances came under stress too, reinforcing the global slowdown. We must prevent the reemergence of imbalanced growth, with American consumers buying and borrowing, and Asian and other exporting countries

selling and accumulating claims. We must pursue reform of the U.S. financial system to strengthen the health of our economy and encourage Americans to save more. And we must prevent the reemergence of excesses in our financial institutions based on irresponsible lending behavior, and abetted by lax and uncoordinated regulation.

防止全球经济再一次不稳定：最近的危机告诉我们，代价颇高的繁荣和萧条周期一直困扰着全球经济，美国和我们的国际合作伙伴都不能幸免。一旦美国人发现在即债务缠身或失业，我们对国外商品的需求就会剧减。当外国经济疲软的时候，其金融机构和公共财政也会有压力，也就会使全球经济的增长放缓。我们必须防止不平衡增长、美国消费者的消费和借款热情以及亚洲和其他国家的出口和积累热情的再度出现。我们必须继续对美国金融体系进行改革，以促进我国经济的健康发展、鼓励美国人多储蓄。

同时，我们必须防止我们金融机构的基于不负责任贷款行为、监管不力和管理不当的过度复兴。

Save More And Export More: Striking a better balance at home means saving more and spending less, reforming our financial system, and reducing our long-term budget deficit. With those changes, we will see a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world, with the goal of doubling U.S. exports by 2014. This is ultimately an employment strategy, because higher

exports will support millions of well-paying American jobs, including those that service innovative and profitable new technologies. As a part of that effort, we are reforming our export controls consistent with our national security imperatives.

加大储蓄和出口力度：平衡国内经济意味着：增多节约、减少开支；改革金融系统；减少长期财政预算赤字。我们从这些改变当中可以看到对出口的重视，建立一个在世界范围内建造、生产和销售的经济，并于20xx年达到出口翻倍的目标。这是最终的就业战略，因为更高的出口将会提供数以百万计的高薪美国工作机会，包括那些创新型服务行业和高盈利的新技术行业。作为这一

努力的一部分，我们在对出口管制改革的同时，要保证其与国家安全需要相一致。

Shift To Greater Domestic Demand Abroad: For the rest of the world, especially in some emerging market and developing countries, a better balance means placing greater emphasis on increasing domestic demand as the leading driver of growth and opening markets. Those countries will be able to import the capital and

technologies needed to sustain the remarkable

productivity gains already underway. Rebalancing will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers over time to enjoy the higher standards of living made possible by those gains. As balanced growth translates into sustained growth, middle-income, and poor countries, many of which are not yet sufficiently integrated into the global economy, can accelerate the process of

convergence of living standards toward richer countries—a process that will become a driver of growth for the global economy for decades to come.

将巨大的国内需求转移到国外：对世界上的其他国家来说，特别是一些新兴市场和发展中国家，更好的平衡意味着将高度重视国内需求作为经济增长和开放市场的驱动力。这些国家能够为提高生产率提供资金、购买技术。随着时间的推移，重新平衡意味着利用这些成就为工人和消费者提供享受更高生活标准的机会。当平衡转换为持续增长的时候，中等收入者与贫穷国家（其中许多国家都没有充分融入到全球经济一体化中），能够加快向富裕国家迈进的步伐——这个过程将会变成促进全球经济在今后几十年中增长的动力。

Open Foreign Markets to Our Products and Services: The United States has long had one of the most open markets in the world. We have been a leader in expanding an open trading system. That has underwritten the growth of other developed and emerging markets alike. Openness has also forced our companies and workers to compete and innovate, and at the same time, has offered market access crucial to the success of so many countries around the world. We will maintain our open investment environment, consistent with our national security goals. In this new era, opening markets around the globe will promote global competition and innovation and will be crucial to our

prosperity. We will pursue a trade agenda that includes an ambitious and balanced Doha multilateral trade

agreement, bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that reflect our values and interests, and engagement with the transpacific partnership countries to shape a regional agreement with high standards.

打开我们产品和服务的国外市场：美国早已是世界上最大的开放市场之一。我们一直是扩大开放贸易体系的领导者，促使了其他发达国家和新型市场的经济增长。开放性也迫使我们的公司和工人展开竞争和创新，同时，我们提供的市场准入为世界各地许多国家的成功起到了至关重要的作用。我们会致力于维护我们开放的投资环境，同时也要使其与我们的国家安全目标相一致。在这个新时代，世界范围内的开放市场有利于促进全球竞争和创新，对我们的繁荣也至关重要。我们将奉行贸易议程，其中包括既雄心勃勃的而又平衡的多哈多变贸易协定、反映我们价值观的双边和多边贸易协议并和跨太平洋合作伙伴合作以形成一个标准更高的地区协议。

As we go forward, our trade policy will be an important part of our effort to capitalize on the opportunities presented by globalization, but will also be part of our

effort to equip Americans to compete. To make trade agreements work for Americans, we will take steps to restore confidence, with realistic programs to deal with transition costs, and promote innovation, infrastructure, healthcare reform and education. Our agreements will contain achievable enforcement mechanisms to ensure that the gains we negotiate are in fact realized and will be structured to reflect U.S. interests, especially on labor and environment.

在我们向前走的时候，我们的贸易政策对将全球化带来的机遇转化成资本起着至关重要的作用，同时也是我们令美国更有竞争力的举措的一部分。为了使贸易协定对美国人发挥作用，我们将采取步骤恢复信心，同时采用切实可行的方案应付变化所带来的成本，并促进创新、基础实施建设、医疗改革和教育。我们的协议包括可执行的条目，以确保谈判的成果是实施再在的，同时也可以表达美国的利益，尤其是劳工和环境。

and more inclusive engagement with the countries responsible for most of global output and trade. U.S. leadership in the G-20 will be focused on securing

sustainable and balanced growth, coordinating reform of financial sector regulation, fostering global economic development, and promoting energy security. We also need official international financial institutions to be as modern and agile as the global economy they serve. Through the G-20, we will pursue governance reform at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. We will also broaden our leadership in other international financial institutions so that the rapidly growing countries of the world see their representation increase and are willing to invest those institutions with the authority they need to promote the stability and growth of global output and trade.

与我们的国际伙伴建立合作关系：美国已经表示支持将20国集团作为国际经济合作最重要的论坛。这起源于我们认识到了我们需要与对全球的产出和贸易负责任的国家进行更广泛的、更大范围的合作。美国在20国集团的领导地位将致力于确保可持续的均衡增长、协调金融部门制度的改革、促进全球经济发展以及促

进能源安全。我们还需要正式的国际金融机构，使得它像它服务的全球经济一样现代和灵活。通过G - 20，我们将继续推进国际货币基金组织（IMF）和世界银行的管理改革。我们也会扩大我们在其他国际金融机构的领导地位，从而世界上快速增长的国家就能够看到他们所发挥作用的增大，并愿意在他们需要的机构上投资，以促进世界贸易和产出的稳定和增长。

Deterring Threats to the International Financial System: Today’s open and global financial system also exposes us to global financial threats. Just as we work to make the most of the opportunities that globalization brings, the actors that pose a threat to our national security—terrorists, proliferators, narcotics traffickers, corrupt officials, and others—are abusing the global financial system to raise, move, and safeguard funds that support their illicit activities or from which they derive profit. Their support networks have global reach and are not

contained by national borders. Our strategy to attack

these networks must respond in kind and target their illicit resources and access to the global financial system through financial measures, administration and

enforcement of regulatory authorities, outreach to the

private sector and our foreign partners, and collaboration on international standards and information sharing.

遏止国际金融体系的威胁：今天开放的全球金融体系也将全球金融威胁暴露给了我们。正当我们致力于利用全球化带来的机会的时候，恐怖分子、核扩散、毒品走私、腐败官员等威胁着我们的国家安全，他们都是利用全球金融系统非法敛财，以支持和保障他们的非法活动或从中获得利润。他们的支持网络已遍及全球，并且不受国家边界的约束。我们打击这些网络的战略必须瞄准他们的非法资源，同时通过财政措施进入国际财政系统、管理和监管执法当局，并将之推广到私营部门和国外伙伴，以及在国际标准和信息共享上推进合作。

Accelerate Sustainable Development

加速可持续发展

The growth of emerging economies in recent decades has lifted people out of poverty and forged a more

interconnected and vibrant global economy. But

development has been uneven, progress is fragile, and too many of the world’s people still live without the

benefits that development affords. While some countries are growing, many lag behind—mired in insecurity, constrained by poor governance, or overly dependent upon commodity prices. But sustained economic progress requires faster, sustainable, and more inclusive

development. That is why we are pursuing a range of specific initiatives in areas such as food security and global health that will be essential to the future security and prosperity of nations and peoples around the globe.

近十年来，新兴经济体的增长使人们摆脱了贫困并建立起了联系紧密、充满活力的全球经济。但发展是不平衡的、进展是脆弱的，世界上还有好多人没有享受到发展带来的好处。虽然一些国家有所增长，但是有很多国家落在了后面——陷入不安全、管理不善、或者是过分依赖对商品价格的限制。但持续的经济进步，需要更快的、可持续的、更包容性的发展。这就是为什么我们在对世界范围内的国家及人民今后的繁荣和安全起至关重要作用的领域（比如食品安全和全球健康）采取一系列措施的原因。

Increase Investments in Development: The United States has an interest in working with our allies to help the world’s poorest countries grow into productive and prosperous

economies governed by capable, democratic, and

accountable state institutions. We will ensure a greater and more deliberate focus on a global development

agenda across the United States Government, from policy analysis through policy implementation. We are increasing our foreign assistance, expanding our investments in effective multilateral development

institutions, and leveraging the engagement of others to share the burden.

加大对发展的投资：美国在和我们的盟国合作上很感兴趣，目的是帮助世界上最贫穷的国家在有能力的、民主的和负责任的国家机构的领导下，取得经济上的繁荣。美国政府将制定一个从政策的分析到政策的执行都很明确的全球发展议程。我们正在增加对外援助，扩大对多边机构的投资，并让协议中的其他人一起分担负担。

Invest in the Foundations of Long-Term Development: The United States will initiate long-term investments that recognize and reward governments that demonstrate the capacity and political will to pursue sustainable

development strategies and ensure that all policy

instruments at our disposal are harnessed to these ends. And we will provide our support in multiple ways—by

strengthening the ability of governments and

communities to manage development challenges and investing in strong institutions that foster the democratic accountability that helps sustain development. This will expand the circle of nations—particularly in Africa—who are capable of reaping the benefits of the global economy, while contributing to global security and prosperity.

在长远发展的基础上投资：美国将着手进行长远投资，承认并奖励那些表现出支持可持续发展战略能力和政治医院的政府，并确保我们所掌握的所有政策工具都被用于这些目的。我们将以多种方式提供支持——通过加强政府和社区的能力来应对发展挑战，并给有助于可持续发展的民主问责机构投资。这将扩大国家的圈子，尤其是非洲国家，可以使他们既能够享受全球经济带来的好处，又可以为全球安全和繁荣做出贡献。

Exercise Leadership in the Provision of Global Public

the control of epidemic disease, and the knowledge to increase agricultural productivity—are not adequately addressed in bilateral efforts. We will shape the

international architecture and work with our global partners to address these challenges, and increase our investments and engagement to transition to a

low-carbon growth trajectory, support the resilience of the poorest nations to the effects of climate change, and strengthen food security. We must also pursue potential “game changers” for development such as new vaccines, weather-resistant seed varieties, and green energy technologies.

做全球公共产品供给的领导：我们的做法必须反映这一事实：虽然有很多挑战影响着发展进度，但是不能由个别国家单独解决。特别是在非洲，像诸如应对全球变暖、流行病控制和提高农业生产率的知识等挑战，似乎都没有充分的通过双边努力解决。我们会重塑国际机构，并和我们的全球伙伴一起应对这些挑战，并在想低碳过渡、支持最贫穷的国家应对气候变化的影响和加强食品安全方面加大投资和参与力度。我们还必须寻求潜在的“替代物”来促进发展，比如：新疫苗、对气候有抵抗力的种子和绿色能源技术。

Spend Taxpayers’ Dollars Wisely

合理的花纳税人的钱

The United States Government has an obligation to make the best use of taxpayer money, and our ability to achieve long-term goals depends upon our fiscal responsibility. A responsible budget involves making tough choices to live within our means; holding departments and agencies accountable for their spending and their performance; harnessing technology to improve government

performance; and being open and honest with the American people. A responsible budget also depends upon working with our global partners and institutions to share burdens and leverage U.S. investments to achieve global goals. Our national security goals can only be reached if we make hard choices and work with international partners to share burdens.

美国政府有责任使纳税人的钱钱尽其用，而且我们实现长期目标的能力依赖于负责任的财政。一个负责任的预算包括：量入为出

的艰难选择；令各部门和各机构为自己的消费和工作情况负责；利用技术改善政府的形象；以及与美国人民开诚布公。一个负责任的预算还取决于与我们的全球合作伙伴和机构合作，共同承担负担并减轻美国在达到全球目标上的投资。只有我们做出艰难的选择，并与国际合作伙伴一起共同分担负担，我们的国家安全目标才可以实现。

Reduce the Deficit: We cannot grow our economy in the long term unless we put the United States back on a sustainable fiscal path. To begin this effort, the

Administration has proposed a 3-year freeze in

nonsecurity discretionary spending, a new fee on the largest financial services companies to recoup taxpayer losses for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), and the closing of tax loopholes and unnecessary subsidies. The Administration has created a bipartisan fiscal

commission to suggest further steps for medium-term deficit reduction and will work for fiscally responsible health insurance reform that will bring down the rate of growth in health care costs, a key driver of the country’s fiscal future.

减少赤字：我们不可能保持长期的经济增长，除非我们将美国引导到可持续财政道路上。要开始这项工作，政府当局提出了一个为期三年的冻结非安全性可支配支出的计划，并对最大的金融服务公司增收新的费用以补偿纳税人在问题资产救助计划（TARP）中的损失，同时填补税收漏洞、取消不必要的补贴。政府已建立了一个两党财政委员会，以对削减中期赤字提出进一步的措施，并对可以降低医疗成本的医疗保险改革财务负责，这将对国家未来的财政起到很重要的作用。

Reform Acquisition and Contracting Processes: Wasteful spending, duplicative programs, and contracts with poor oversight have no place in the United States Government. Cost-effective and efficient processes are particularly

important for the Department of Defense, which accounts for approximately 70 percent of all Federal procurement spending. We will scrutinize our programs and terminate or restructure those that are outdated, duplicative,

ineffective, or wasteful. The result will be more relevant, capable, and effective programs and systems that our military wants and needs. We are also reforming Federal contracting and strengthening contracting practices and

management oversight with a goal of saving Federal agencies $40 billion dollars a year.

改革采集和承包过程：浪费性支出、重复的方案和疏忽的合同在美国政府中是没有立足之地的。有成本效益的和有效率的过程对国防部来说尤其重要，这占了联邦采购支出的70%。我们将审议我们的方案，并终止或重组那些过时的、重复的、无效的或浪费的方案。最终的结果将是制定出更切合实际及更有效的方案和制度，这也是我们军队所希望和需要的。我们也将对国家承包做出改革，并加强承包实践、防止疏忽，以达到为联邦政府每年减少400亿美元的目标。

Increase Transparency: Americans have a right to know how their tax dollars are spent, but that information can be obscured or unavailable. In some instances, incomplete accounting of the budget has been used to conceal the reality of our fiscal situation. To uphold our commitment to a transparent budget process, we are simultaneously requesting both base budget and overseas contingency operations costs, with the same amount of justification and explanatory material for each, so that Americans can

see the true cost of our war efforts and hold leaders accountable for decisions with all of the facts.

提高透明度：美国人有权知道他们缴纳的税是怎么花的，但这些信息可能会被掩盖或得不到。在某些情况下，不完整的预算被用来掩盖我们真实的财政状况。要坚持我们对透明预算程序的承诺，既需要既定的预算也需要海外紧急行动的费用，每一项费用都应对有支出的理由及相同数量的物资的支持，这样美国人就能够看到我们在战争中的实际消费，并促使领导人对他们的决定负责。 2010美国国家安全战略——第三章提升国家利益（2）——繁荣

Prosperity

繁荣

“The answers to our problems don’t lie beyond our reach. They exist in our laboratories and universities; in our fields and our factories; in the imaginations of our entrepreneurs and the pride of the hardest-working

people on Earth. Those qualities that have made America the greatest force of progress and prosperity in human history we still possess in ample measure. What is

required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly the challenges we face, and take responsibility for our future once more.”

—President Barack Obama, Address to Joint Session of Congress, February 24, 2009

——总统奥巴马在美国国会联合会议上的讲话，20xx年2月24日

The foundation of American leadership must be a

services has also advanced peace among nations, as those places that have emerged more prosperous are often more stable. Yet we have also seen how shocks to the global economy can precipitate disaster—including the loss of jobs, a decline in standards of living in parts of our country, and instability and a loss of U.S. influence abroad. Meanwhile, growing prosperity around the world has made economic power more diffuse, creating a more competitive environment for America’s people and businesses.

美国领导地位的基础是繁荣的美国经济。日益开放和增长的全球经济是美国人民的机会之源和美国的力量之源。信息、人员、货物和服务的自由流动也推动了国家之间的和平，因为国家越繁荣也意味着越稳定。然而，我们也看到了全球经济的震动也可以造成灾难——包括失去工作、我国生活水平的下降和不稳定以及美国在国外影响力的下降。与此同时，世界各地的经济繁荣使得经济力量更加分散，为美国人民和企业创造了更富竞争性的环境。 To allow each American to pursue the opportunity upon which our prosperity depends, we must build a stronger foundation for economic growth. That foundation must include access to a complete and competitive education for every American; a transformation of the way that we

produce and use energy, so that we reduce our

This new foundation must underpin and sustain an

international economic system that is critical to both our

prosperity and to the peace and security of the world. We must reinvigorate and fortify it for the 21st century: by preventing cycles of boom and bust with new rules of the road at home and abroad; by saving more and spending less; by resisting protectionism and promoting trade that is free and fair; by coordinating our actions with other countries, and reforming international institutions to give emerging economies a greater voice and greater responsibility; and by supporting development that promotes good governance, unleashes the potential of different populations, and creates new markets overseas. Taken together, these actions can ensure inclusive growth that is balanced and sustained.

新的基础必须能够巩固和维持对我们的繁荣及世界的和平和安全都至关重要的国际经济体系。我们必须为21世纪注入新的活力：防止国内外经济繁荣和萧条的周期轮番出现；提倡节约、节省开支；，抵制保护主义，促进自由贸易和公平贸易；协调我们与其他国家之间的行动，同时改革国际机构以给新型经济体更大的发言权和责任；通过支持发展，促进良好治理，释放不同人群的潜力，并创建新的海外市场。做到了这些，就可以保证平衡而又持续的全面发展。

Strengthen Education and Human Capital

加强教育和人力资本

In a global economy of vastly increased mobility and interdependence, our own prosperity and leadership

Improve Education at All Levels: The United States has lost ground in education, even as our competitiveness

depends on educating our children to succeed in a global economy based on knowledge and innovation. We are

working to provide a complete and competitive education for all Americans, to include supporting high standards for early learning, reforming public schools, increasing access to higher education and job training, and promoting

Invest in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math Education (STEM): America’s long-term leadership depends on educating and producing future scientists and innovators. We will invest more in STEM education so students can learn to think critically in science, math,

engineering, and technology; improve the quality of math and science teaching so American students are no longer

outperformed by those in other nations; and expand STEM education and career opportunities for

connections with peoples overseas and to develop skills and contacts that will help them thrive in the global

Pursue Comprehensive Immigration Reform: The United States is a nation of immigrants. Our ability to innovate, our ties to the world, and our economic prosperity depend on our nation’s capacity to welcome and

assimilate immigrants, and a visa system which welcomes skilled professionals from around the world. At the same time, effective border security and immigration

enforcement must keep the country safe and deter

unlawful entry. Indeed, persistent problems in

Enhance Science, Technology, and Innovation

加强科学、技术和创新

Transform our Energy Economy: As long as we are

dependent on fossil fuels, we need to ensure the security and free low of global energy resources. But without significant and timely adjustments, our energy

dependence will continue to undermine our security and prosperity. This will leave us vulnerable to energy supply

disruptions and manipulation and to changes in the environment on an unprecedented scale.

The United States has a window of opportunity to lead in the development of clean energy technology. If successful, the United States will lead in this new Industrial

美国有机会引导清洁能源的开发。如果成功的话，美国将是新能源工业革命的领头羊，这将为我们的经济繁荣做出巨大的贡献。

如果我们不建立鼓励私营部门抓住机遇的政策，美国就会落伍，同时会变成新能源技术的进口国。

我们已经在新能源上进行了历史上最大的投资，但是在此基础上，仍然有许多工作要做。我们必须继续改变我们的能源经济，充分利用民间资本加快清洁能源技术的部署，以减少温室气体排放、提高能源利用效率、增大可再生能源和核能的使用、减少车辆对石油的依赖以及实现能源和供应商的多样化。我们将在科学研究

和下一代技术上投资、使电力分配更加现代化，并在向清洁能源迈进的时候鼓励使用过渡燃料。

Invest in Research: Research and development is central to our broader national capacity. Incidents like the outbreak of H1N1 influenza and the challenge of

identifying new, renewable sources of energy highlight the importance of research in basic and applied science. We are reversing the decades-long decline in federal

technology into engineering and products, and we must continue to do so in the future.

投资于研究：研究和开发是我们广泛的国家能力的核心。像H1N1流感的爆发和发现新的可再生能源的挑战使得基础研究和应用科学更加重要。我们正在扭转近十年来国家对研究投入减少的趋势，其中包括美国历史上单笔最大的对基础科学的投资。

研究和创新不是单靠政府就可以做到的，这就是为什么我们会鼓励和支持私人创新。美国一直在将科学和研究转化为工程和产品上占有优势，今后我们也会继续这样做。

Expand International Science Partnerships: America’s scientific leadership has always been widely admired around the world, and we must continue to expand

nonproliferation agreements; preventing terrorists from attacking our homeland; preventing and managing

widespread disease outbreaks; securing the supply chain; detecting weapons of mass destruction before they reach our borders; and protecting our information,

communication, and transportation infrastructure.

安全；在大规模杀伤性武器到达我们的边境之前就探测到；保护我们的信息、通信和运输设施。

Leverage and Grow our Space Capabilities: For over 50 years, our space community has been a catalyst for

nations toward the responsible and peaceful use of space. To maintain the advantages afforded to the United States by space, we must also take several actions. We must

continue to encourage cutting-edge space technology by investing in the people and industrial base that develops them. We will invest in the research and development of next-generation space technologies and capabilities that benefit our commercial, civil, scientific exploration, and national security communities, in order to maintain the viability of space for future generations. And we will

promote a unified effort to strengthen our space

industrial base and work with universities to encourage students to pursue space-related careers.

实现平衡和可持续的增长

Balanced and sustainable growth, at home and

setting in which the energies and entrepreneurship of our private sector can flourish, generating technologies, business growth, and job creation that will boost living standards for Americans. United States economic

国内乃至整个全球经济的平衡、可持续增长有利于推动美国经济的发展势头、巩固我们的繁荣。稳步增长的全球经济意味着我们的货物和服务出口市场的扩大。随着时间的推移，市场和企业之间的紧密联系将为我们私营部门和企业的蓬勃发展、技术创新、业务增长以及创造能够提高美国人生活水平的就业机会提供条件。当前，美国经济的领导地位必须适应新型经济体的崛起；日益增长的金融市场的规模、速度和复杂性；全球市场参与者的多样性；以及到目前为止还没有融入全球体系的苦苦挣扎的经济体。

To promote prosperity for all Americans, we will need to lead the international community to expand the inclusive

growth of the integrated, global economy. At the same time, we will need to lead international efforts to prevent a recurrence of economic imbalances and financial excesses, while managing the many security threats and global challenges that affect global economic stability. To

promote growth that can be balanced and sustained, we will:

borrowing, and Asian and other exporting countries

Save More And Export More: Striking a better balance at home means saving more and spending less, reforming our financial system, and reducing our long-term budget

deficit. With those changes, we will see a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world, with the goal of doubling U.S. exports by 2014. This is ultimately an employment strategy, because higher

Shift To Greater Domestic Demand Abroad: For the rest of the world, especially in some emerging market and developing countries, a better balance means placing

greater emphasis on increasing domestic demand as the leading driver of growth and opening markets. Those countries will be able to import the capital and

technologies needed to sustain the remarkable

convergence of living standards toward richer countries—a process that will become a driver of growth for the global economy for decades to come.

家迈进的步伐——这个过程将会变成促进全球经济在今后几十年中增长的动力。

prosperity. We will pursue a trade agenda that includes an ambitious and balanced Doha multilateral trade

As we go forward, our trade policy will be an important part of our effort to capitalize on the opportunities presented by globalization, but will also be part of our effort to equip Americans to compete. To make trade agreements work for Americans, we will take steps to restore confidence, with realistic programs to deal with transition costs, and promote innovation, infrastructure, healthcare reform and education. Our agreements will contain achievable enforcement mechanisms to ensure that the gains we negotiate are in fact realized and will be

structured to reflect U.S. interests, especially on labor and environment.

Build Cooperation with Our International Partners: The United States has supported the G-20’s emergence as the premier forum for international economic cooperation. This lows from the recognition that we need a broader and more inclusive engagement with the countries responsible for most of global output and trade. U.S. leadership in the G-20 will be focused on securing

modern and agile as the global economy they serve. Through the G-20, we will pursue governance reform at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. We will also broaden our leadership in other international financial institutions so that the rapidly growing countries of the world see their representation increase and are willing to invest those institutions with the authority they need to promote the stability and growth of global output and trade.

与我们的国际伙伴建立合作关系：美国已经表示支持将20国集团作为国际经济合作最重要的论坛。这起源于我们认识到了我们需要与对全球的产出和贸易负责任的国家进行更广泛的、更大范围的合作。美国在20国集团的领导地位将致力于确保可持续的均衡增长、协调金融部门制度的改革、促进全球经济发展以及促进能源安全。我们还需要正式的国际金融机构，使得它像它服务的全球经济一样现代和灵活。通过G - 20，我们将继续推进国际货币基金组织（IMF）和世界银行的管理改革。我们也会扩大我们在其他国际金融机构的领导地位，从而世界上快速增长的国家就能够看到他们所发挥作用的增大，并愿意在他们需要的机构上投资，以促进世界贸易和产出的稳定和增长。

contained by national borders. Our strategy to attack

these networks must respond in kind and target their illicit resources and access to the global financial system through financial measures, administration and

enforcement of regulatory authorities, outreach to the private sector and our foreign partners, and collaboration on international standards and information sharing.

遏止国际金融体系的威胁：今天开放的全球金融体系也将全球金融威胁暴露给了我们。正当我们致力于利用全球化带来的机会的时候，恐怖分子、核扩散、毒品走私、腐败官员等威胁着我们的国家安全，他们都是利用全球金融系统非法敛财，以支持和保障

他们的非法活动或从中获得利润。他们的支持网络已遍及全球，并且不受国家边界的约束。我们打击这些网络的战略必须瞄准他们的非法资源，同时通过财政措施进入国际财政系统、管理和监管执法当局，并将之推广到私营部门和国外伙伴，以及在国际标准和信息共享上推进合作。

Accelerate Sustainable Development

加速可持续发展

The growth of emerging economies in recent decades has lifted people out of poverty and forged a more

interconnected and vibrant global economy. But

development has been uneven, progress is fragile, and too many of the world’s people still live without the benefits that development affords. While some countries are growing, many lag behind—mired in insecurity, constrained by poor governance, or overly dependent upon commodity prices. But sustained economic progress requires faster, sustainable, and more inclusive

development. That is why we are pursuing a range of specific initiatives in areas such as food security and

global health that will be essential to the future security and prosperity of nations and peoples around the globe.

Increase Investments in Development: The United States has an interest in working with our allies to help the world’s poorest countries grow into productive and prosperous economies governed by capable, democratic, and

accountable state institutions. We will ensure a greater and more deliberate focus on a global development

agenda across the United States Government, from policy analysis through policy implementation. We are

increasing our foreign assistance, expanding our

investments in effective multilateral development

institutions, and leveraging the engagement of others to share the burden.

development strategies and ensure that all policy

instruments at our disposal are harnessed to these ends. And we will provide our support in multiple ways—by strengthening the ability of governments and

Exercise Leadership in the Provision of Global Public

Goods: Our approach needs to reflect the fact that there are a set of development challenges that strongly affect the likelihood of progress, but cannot be addressed by individual countries acting alone. Particularly in Africa, these challenges—such as adaptation to global warming, the control of epidemic disease, and the knowledge to increase agricultural productivity—are not adequately addressed in bilateral efforts. We will shape the

international architecture and work with our global partners to address these challenges, and increase our investments and engagement to transition to a

low-carbon growth trajectory, support the resilience of

the poorest nations to the effects of climate change, and strengthen food security. We must also pursue potential “game changers” for development such as new vaccines, weather-resistant seed varieties, and green energy technologies.

Spend Taxpayers’ Dollars Wisely

合理的花纳税人的钱

The United States Government has an obligation to make the best use of taxpayer money, and our ability to achieve

long-term goals depends upon our fiscal responsibility. A responsible budget involves making tough choices to live within our means; holding departments and agencies accountable for their spending and their performance; harnessing technology to improve government

international partners to share burdens.

美国政府有责任使纳税人的钱钱尽其用，而且我们实现长期目标的能力依赖于负责任的财政。一个负责任的预算包括：量入为出的艰难选择；令各部门和各机构为自己的消费和工作情况负责；利用技术改善政府的形象；以及与美国人民开诚布公。一个负责任的预算还取决于与我们的全球合作伙伴和机构合作，共同承担负担并减轻美国在达到全球目标上的投资。只有我们做出艰难的选择，并与国际合作伙伴一起共同分担负担，我们的国家安全目标才可以实现。

Reduce the Deficit: We cannot grow our economy in the long term unless we put the United States back on a sustainable fiscal path. To begin this effort, the

Administration has proposed a 3-year freeze in

并对可以降低医疗成本的医疗保险改革财务负责，这将对国家未来的财政起到很重要的作用。

改革采集和承包过程：浪费性支出、重复的方案和疏忽的合同在美国政府中是没有立足之地的。有成本效益的和有效率的过程对国防部来说尤其重要，这占了联邦采购支出的70%。我们将审议我们的方案，并终止或重组那些过时的、重复的、无效的或浪

费的方案。最终的结果将是制定出更切合实际及更有效的方案和制度，这也是我们军队所希望和需要的。我们也将对国家承包做出改革，并加强承包实践、防止疏忽，以达到为联邦政府每年减少400亿美元的目标。

提高透明度：美国人有权知道他们缴纳的税是怎么花的，但这些信息可能会被掩盖或得不到。在某些情况下，不完整的预算被用来掩盖我们真实的财政状况。要坚持我们对透明预算程序的承诺，既需要既定的预算也需要海外紧急行动的费用，每一项费用都应

对有支出的理由及相同数量的物资的支持，这样美国人就能够看到我们在战争中的实际消费，并促使领导人对他们的决定负责。 2010美国国家安全战略——第三章提升国家利益（3）：价值观

Values

价值观

“We uphold our most cherished values not only because doing so is right, but because it strengthens our country and keeps us safe. Time and again, our values have been our best national security asset—in war and peace, in times of ease, and in eras of upheaval. Fidelity to our values is the reason why the United States of America grew from a small string of colonies under the writ of an empire to the strongest nation in the world.”

“我们维护我们最珍视的价值观，不仅仅因为这样做是正确的，还因为它令我们的国家变的强大，令我们变的安全。一次又一次，我们的价值观一直是我们最好的资产——不论是战争年代还是和平年代、不论是缓和时期还是动荡时期。美国从一个帝国统治之下的小殖民地成长为现在世界上最强大国家的原因就是由于对我们价值观的无比忠诚。”

——President Barack Obama, National Archives, May 21, 2009

——美国总统奥巴马，国家档案馆，2009

年5月21日

The United States believes certain values are universal and will work to promote them worldwide. These include an individual’s freedom to speak their mind, assemble

without fear, worship as they please, and choose their own leaders; they also include dignity, tolerance, and equality among all people, and the fair and equitable

administration of justice. The United States was founded upon a belief in these values. At home, fidelity to these values has extended the promise of America ever more fully, to ever more people. Abroad, these values have been claimed by people of every race, region, and religion.

Most nations are parties to international agreements that recognize this commonality. And nations that embrace these values for their citizens are ultimately more

successful—and friendly to the United States—than those that do not.

美国认为有一些价值是普遍的，应该在全球推广，包括个人可以自由地表达自己的意见、进行没有恐惧的集会、选择他们所崇拜的领导人；还包括尊严、宽容和所有人的平等，以及司法的公平公正。美国就是在认同这些价值观的基础上建立起来的。在国内，

对这些价值观忠诚的人越来越多；在国外，不同种族、不同地区、不同宗教的人民开始认同这种价值观。大多数国家都是国际协定的缔约国，都承认这种共同性。并且拥抱这些价值观的国家最终都比不坚持这些价值观的国家成功，并且对美国也很友好。 Yet after an era that saw substantial gains for these values around the world, democratic development has stalled in recent years. In some cultures, these values are being equated with the ugly face of modernity and are seen to encroach upon cherished identities. In other countries, autocratic rulers have repressed basic human rights and democratic practices in the name of economic

development and national unity. Even where some governments have adopted democratic practices,

authoritarian rulers have undermined electoral processes and restricted the space for opposition and civil society, imposing a growing number of legal restrictions so as to impede the rights of people to assemble and to access information. And while there has been substantial

progress in combating poverty in many parts of the world, too many of the world’s people still lack the dignity that comes with the opportunity to pursue a better life.

但是当这些价值观在世界上获得广泛认同后，民主的发展在最近几年却停滞不前了。在一些文化中，这些价值观被等同于现代化的丑恶嘴脸，并被视为是对他们所珍视的特有文化的侵犯。在其他国家，独裁统治者打着经济发展和民族团结的名义，压制人权和民主实践。即使有些国家的政府采取了民主的做法，独裁统治者破坏了选举进程并限制了反对派和民间社会质疑的空间，出台越来越多的法律，阻止人民集会和获取信息的权利。虽然世界上许多地方在打击贫穷上取得了重大进展，但是还有许多人缺乏与追求更好生活随之而来的尊严。

The United States supports those who seek to exercise universal rights around the world. We promote our values above all by living them at home. We continue to engage nations, institutions, and peoples in pursuit of these values abroad. And we recognize the link between

development and political progress. In doing so, our goals are realistic, as we recognize that different cultures and traditions give life to these values in distinct ways.

Moreover, America’s influence comes not from perfection, but from our striving to overcome our imperfections. The constant struggle to perfect our union is what makes the American story inspiring. That is why acknowledging our

past shortcomings—and highlighting our efforts to remedy them—is a means of promoting our values.

美国支持那些在世界范围内追求普世权利的人们。我们首先会在国内推广我们的价值观。我们也会与国外追求这些价值观的国家、组织和人民加强联系，同时我们也认识到了发展和政治进步之间的联系。如果这样做，我们的目标就会变的现实，因为我们认识到了不同文化和传统可以以不同的方式实现这些价值观。此外，美国的影响力不是来自于它的完美，而是来自于我们战胜缺点的努力。不断完善我们国家的努力使美国的故事令人振奋。这就是为什么我们承认过去的缺点，并强调我们会努力补救，是推广我们价值观的一种手段。

America will not impose any system of government on another country, but our long-term security and

prosperity depends on our steady support for universal values, which sets us apart from our enemies, adversarial governments, and many potential competitors for

influence. We will do so through a variety of means—by speaking out for universal rights, supporting fragile

democracies and civil society, and supporting the dignity that comes with development.

美国不会对其他国家的政治体制施加任何压力，但我们的长期安全和繁荣依赖于对普世价值的不懈支持，这使我们和我们的敌人、

和我们对抗的政府以及许多潜在的竞争者有所区别。我们会通过多种方式推动普世价值——通过宣讲普遍权利、支持脆弱的民主和公民社会、支持与发展一起到来的尊严。

Strengthen the Power of Our Example

加强我们榜样的力量

More than any other action that we have taken, the power of America’s example has helped spread freedom and democracy abroad. That is why we must always seek to uphold these values not just when it is easy, but when it is hard. Advancing our interests may involve new

arrangements to confront threats like terrorism, but these practices and structures must always be in line with our Constitution, preserve our people’s privacy and civil

liberties, and withstand the checks and balances that have served us so well. To sustain our fidelity to our values—and our credibility to promote them around the world—we will continue to:

除了我们采取的其他行动，美国的榜样力量在国外传播自由和民主上发挥了很大作用。这就是我们为什么必须始终坚持这些价值观的原因，不论它是多么简单还是多么艰难。推进我们的利益可能涉及到应对诸如恐怖主义之类的威胁，但是这些行动必须与我们的宪法相一致，保护人民的隐私和公民的自由，并能够经受得

住考验，同时平衡那些令我们获益良多的因素。为了保持我们对我们的价值观以及我们在世界各地传播我们价值观的信誉的忠诚，我们将继续做到：

Prohibit Torture without Exception or Equivocation: Brutal methods of interrogation are inconsistent with our values, undermine the rule of law, and are not effective means of obtaining information. They alienate the United States from the world. They serve as a recruitment and

propaganda tool for terrorists. They increase the will of our enemies to fight against us, and endanger our troops when they are captured. The United States will not use or support these methods.

毫无例外的禁止酷刑：残酷的审讯方法与我们的价值观不一致，这不仅不符合法律，并且也不是获取信息的有效手段。他们会令美国越来越不得人心、会成为恐怖分子招募和宣传的工具、会增加我们的敌人攻击我们的决心、会危害到我们被俘的军人。美国不会使用也不支持这些方法。

Legal Aspects of Countering Terrorism: The increased risk of terrorism necessitates a capacity to detain and interrogate suspected violent extremists, but that

framework must align with our laws to be effective and sustainable. When we are able, we will prosecute terrorists

in Federal courts or in reformed military commissions that are fair, legitimate, and effective. For detainees who cannot be prosecuted—but pose a danger to the

American people—we must have clear, defensible, and lawful standards. We must have fair procedures and a thorough process of periodic review, so that any

prolonged detention is carefully evaluated and justified. And keeping with our Constitutional system, it will be subject to checks and balances. The goal is an approach that can be sustained by future Administrations, with

support from both political parties and all three branches of government.

在法律的支持下打击恐怖主义：日益增加的恐怖主义威胁使得拘留和审讯可疑的暴力极端分子成为必须，但是为了更加有效和持久，该方法必须与我们的法律相一致。当我们准备好的时候，我们会在公平、合法和有效的联邦法院或军事委员会起诉恐怖分子。对于那些不能被起诉，但是却对美国人民造成威胁的被拘留者，我们必须要有明确的、雄辩的和合法的标准。我们必须要有公平的程序并要定期进行深入审查，这样任何长期拘留都可以得到认真的评估及合理的判断，并且还要于我们的宪法相一致。我们的目的是方案能够在以后的政府继续得到实施，并且得到两个政党和政府三个部门的支持。

Balance the Imperatives of Secrecy and Transparency: For the sake of our security, some information must be

protected from public disclosure—for instance, to protect our troops, our sources and methods of

intelligence-gathering or confidential actions that keep the American people safe. Yet our democracy depends upon transparency, and whenever possible, we are

making information available to the American people so that they can make informed judgments and hold their leaders accountable. For instance, when we invoke the State Secrets privilege, we will follow clear procedures so as to provide greater accountability and to ensure the privilege is invoked only when necessary and in the

narrowest way possible. We will never invoke the privilege to hide a violation of law or to avoid embarrassment to the government.

在保密性和透明度之间保持必要的平衡：为了我们的安全起见，一些信息必须受到保护，不能公开披露，例如：为保护我们的军队，我们情报收集的方法及来源，或者是为保护美国人民安全的秘密行动。然而，我们的民主取决于透明度，只要有可能，我们就会将信息给大众公开，使他们能够做出明智的判断并负责任的拥护他们的领导。举例来说，当我们使用国家机密特权的时候，

我们将按照明确的程序，以承担更大的责任并确保只有在必要的时候才使用特权。我们永远不会使用特权隐藏违法行为或者规避政府的尴尬。

Protect Civil Liberties, Privacy, and Oversight: Protecting civil liberties and privacy are integral to the vibrancy of our democracy and the exercise of freedom. We are balancing our solemn commitments to these virtues with the mandate to provide security for the American people. Vigorous oversight of national security activities by our three branches of government and vigilant compliance with the rule of law allow us to maintain this balance,

affirm to our friends and allies the constitutional ideals we uphold.

保护公民自由、隐私和监督权：保护公民的自由和隐私权是民主活力和自由实践的不可或缺部分。我们正在对这些美德的庄严承诺和保护美国人民的安全之间寻求平衡。政府三个分支部门对国家安全活动的监督和我们对法律的顺从要求我们保持这种平衡、肯定我们的盟友并坚持宪法中的理想。

Uphold the Rule of Law: The rule of law—and our capacity to enforce it—advances our national security and

strengthens our leadership. At home, fidelity to our laws and support for our law enforcement community

safeguards American citizens and interests, while

protecting and advancing our values. Around the globe, it allows us to hold actors accountable, while supporting both international security and the stability of the global economy. America’s commitment to the rule of law is fundamental to our efforts to build an international order that is capable of confronting the emerging challenges of the 21st century.

坚持法治：法律和我们执行法律的能力推动了我们的国家安全、加强了我们的领导地位。在国内，遵守法律并支持法律的执行保卫着美国公民和利益，同时也保护并推动着我们的价值观。放眼全球，它能使我们扮演负责任的角色，同时也支持国际安全和全球经济的稳定。美国对法治的承诺是我们构建能够应对21世纪面临的新挑战的国际秩序的根本。

Draw Strength from Diversity: The United States has benefited throughout our history when we have drawn strength from our diversity. While those who advocate on behalf of extremist ideologies seek to sow discord among ethnic and religious groups, America stands as an

example of how people from different backgrounds can be united through their commitment to shared values. Within our own communities, those who seek to recruit

and radicalize individuals will often try to prey upon isolation and alienation. Our own commitment to extending the promise of America will both draw a

contrast with those who try to drive people apart, while countering attempts to enlist individuals in ideological, religious, or ethnic extremism.

从多样性中获得力量：美国的整个历史都受益于从我们的多样性中获得力量。当那些鼓吹极端主义意识形态的人播下了种族和宗教群体之间不和谐种子的时候，美国成为了一个使来自不同背景的人们通过坚持相同的价值观而团结的典范。在我们国家，那些促使人激进的行动往往会受到孤立和疏远。我们自己对扩大美国意志的承诺与那些试图将人们分离开来的行动形成了对比，同时也打击了那些思想、宗教和种族极端主义行动。

Promote Democracy and Human Rights Abroad 在国外促进民主和人权

The United States supports the expansion of democracy and human rights abroad because governments that respect these values are more just, peaceful, and

legitimate. We also do so because their success abroad fosters an environment that supports America’s national interests. Political systems that protect universal rights are ultimately more stable, successful, and secure. As our

history shows, the United States can more effectively forge consensus to tackle shared challenges when

working with governments that reflect the will and respect the rights of their people, rather than just the narrow

interests of those in power. The United States is advancing universal values by:

美国支持民主和人权在海外扩张，因为尊重这些价值观的政府相对来说比较公正、和平和合法。我们这样做的原因也是由于国外在这方面的成功所营造的环境有利于我们的国家利益。保护普世权利的政治制度更加稳定、成功和安全。正如我们的历史所表明的，当与反映人民意愿并尊重人民权利的政府而不是与仅仅代表当权者利益的政府共事以解决共同面对的挑战的时候，美国更容易和他们建立有效地共识。美国通过以下方法推动普世价值： Ensuring that New and Fragile Democracies Deliver Tangible Improvements for Their Citizens: The United States must support democracy, human rights, and

development together, as they are mutually reinforcing. We are working closely with citizens, communities, and political and civil society leaders to strengthen key

institutions of democratic accountability—free and fair electoral processes, strong legislatures, civilian control of militaries, honest police forces, independent and fair

judiciaries, a free and independent press, a vibrant private sector, and a robust civil society. To do so, we are

harnessing our bilateral and multilateral capabilities to help nascent democracies deliver services that respond to the needs and preferences of their citizens, since democracies without development rarely survive.

确保新的且脆弱的民主能够改善公民生活：美国必须支持民主、人权和共同发展，因为它们是相辅相成的。我们正密切地与公民、社区、政治领导人和民间社会领导一起促进民主问责制的主要制度：自由和公正的选举程序、强大的议会，人民控制的军队、诚实的警察力量、司法的独立和公正、自由和独立的记者、充满活力的私营部门和强大的民间社会。为此，我们利用我们的双边和多边关系为新型的民主国家提供服务，以满足他们人民的需求和喜好，因为没有发展的民主很少能够存活下来。

Practicing Principled Engagement with Non-Democratic Regimes: Even when we are focused on interests such as counterterrorism, nonproliferation, or enhancing

economic ties, we will always seek in parallel to expand individual rights and opportunities through our bilateral engagement. The United States is pursuing a dual-track approach in which we seek to improve

government-to-government relations and use this

dialogue to advance human rights, while engaging civil society and peaceful political opposition, and

encouraging U.S. nongovernmental actors to do the same. More substantive government-to-government relations can create permissive conditions for civil society to operate and for more extensive people-to-people

exchanges. But when our overtures are rebuffed, we must lead the international community in using public and private diplomacy, and drawing on incentives and

disincentives, in an effort to change repressive behavior. 与非民主政体进行原则性接触：即使当我们致力于诸如反恐、防扩散或提高经济利益关系等事务的时候，我们还是寻求通过我们的双边协定推进个人权利、增加个人机会。美国奉行双轨制的方法，一方面我们寻求改善政府之间的关系，进而利用对话来推进人权，同时还鼓励民间社会的交流与和平的政治反对派，也鼓励相似的美国非政府行为。比较实在的政府之间的关系能够为民间社会的行动和人民与人们之间的广泛交流创造宽松的条件。但是，当我们的友好提议被断然拒绝的时候，我们必须使用公共外交和私人外交，将国际社会引导到我们这边，同时制定奖励和惩罚措施，以努力改变镇压行为。

Recognizing the Legitimacy of All Peaceful Democratic Movements: America respects the right of all peaceful,

law-abiding, and nonviolent voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. Support for democracy must not be about support for specific candidates or movements. America will welcome all

legitimately elected, peaceful governments, provided they govern with respect for the rights and dignity of all their people and consistent with their international obligations. Those who seek democracy to obtain power, but are ruthless once they do, will forfeit the support of the United States. Governments must maintain power through consent, not coercion, and place legitimate political processes above party or narrow interest.

认识到所有和平民主运动的合法性：美国尊重世界各地人民听到所有和平、守法和非暴力声音的权利，即使我们不同意这些声音。对民主的支持不仅仅是对特定候选人或运动的支持。美国欢迎所有的合法选举、和平政府，只要他们尊重他们人民的权利和尊严并且履行他们的国际义务。那些通过民主获得权利，但是在得到权力之后就放弃民主的人，将会失去美国的支持。各国政府必须继续通过授权而不是强制手段维持权利，并且要将合法的政治程序凌驾于狭隘的政党利益之上。

Supporting the Rights of Women and Girls: Women

should have access to the same opportunities and be able

to make the same choices as men. Experience shows that countries are more peaceful and prosperous when women are accorded full and equal rights and opportunity. When those rights and opportunities are denied, countries often lag behind. Furthermore, women and girls often

disproportionally bear the burden of crises and conflict. Therefore the United States is working with regional and international organizations to prevent violence against women and girls, especially in conflict zones. We are supporting women’s equal access to justice and their participation in the political process. We are promoting child and maternal health. We are combating human trafficking, especially in women and girls, through

domestic and international law enforcement. And we are supporting education, employment, and micro-finance to empower women globally.

支持妇女和女孩的权利：妇女应当和男人享有同等的机会，并能够做出同样的选择。经验表明，给予妇女充分的和平等的机会及权利的国家更加和平、繁荣。当这些权利和机会被剥夺后，国家往往就会落后。此外，妇女和女孩往往不成比例地承担着危机和冲突的负担。因此，美国正在与区域和国际组织合作，防止对妇女和女童的暴力行为，尤其是在发生冲突的地区。我们支持妇女

在政治活动中享有平等的地位。我们正在努力促进儿童和孕妇的健康。我们正在通过国内和国际司法打击贩卖人口，尤其是贩卖妇女和女童。我们还支持将教育、就业和小额信贷都授权给全球妇女。

Strengthening International Norms Against Corruption: We are working within the broader international system, including the U.N., G-20, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), and the international financial institutions, to promote the recognition that pervasive corruption is a violation of basic human rights and a severe impediment to development and global security. We will work with governments and civil society organizations to bring greater transparency and accountability to government budgets, expenditures, and the assets of public officials. And we will institutionalize transparent practices in international aid lows, international banking and tax policy, and private sector engagement around natural resources to make it harder for officials to steal and to strengthen the efforts of citizens to hold their

governments accountable.

加强反腐败国际准则：我们正在努力与许多国际组织合作，以促进人们对无孔不入的腐败侵犯人权、妨碍社会发展、威胁全球安全的认识，这些组织包括联合国、20国集团、经济合作与发展组织（OECD）、国际金融机构。我们将与各国政府和民间社会组织合作以保证政府预算、支出和政府官员资产更加透明。我们将在国际援助最底线、国际银行和税务政策以及关于自然资源的协定进行制度化的透明度实践，使得官员很难窃取发展的果实，同时又加强了公民权利使得他们能够对政府负责。

Building a Broader Coalition of Actors to Advance Universal Values: We are working to build support for

democracy, rule of law, and human rights by working with other governments, nongovernmental organizations, and multilateral fora. The United States is committed to

working to shape and strengthen existing institutions that are not delivering on their potential, such as the United Nations Human Rights Council. We are working within the broader U.N. system and through regional mechanisms to strengthen human rights monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, so that individuals and countries are held accountable for their violation of international human rights norms. And we will actively support the leadership of emerging democracies as they assume a more active

role in advancing basic human rights and democratic values in their regions and on the global stage.

建设更广泛的联盟，以推进普世价值：我们正在通过与其他政府、非政府组织和多边论坛合作以建立对民主、法治、人权的支持。美国现在正致力于塑造和加强那些没有发挥出潜力的机构，如联合国人权理事会。我们正在和联合国一起，通过区域机制加强人权监测和执法机制，这样个人和国家都会对自己违反国家人权准则的行为负责。我们会积极的支持新兴民主国家的领导地位，因为他们在地区和全球舞台上扮演着推动基本人权和民主价值观的角色。

Marshalling New Technologies and Promoting the Right to Access Information: The emergence of technologies such as the Internet, wireless networks, mobile

smart-phones, investigative forensics, satellite and aerial imagery, and distributed remote sensing infrastructure has created powerful new opportunities to advance democracy and human rights. These technologies have fueled people-powered political movements, made it possible to shine a spotlight on human rights abuses nearly instantaneously, and increased avenues for free speech and unrestricted communication around the world. We support the dissemination and use of these

technologies to facilitate freedom of expression, expand access to information, increase governmental

transparency and accountability, and counter restrictions on their use. We will also better utilize such technologies to effectively communicate our own messages to the world.

研发新技术，促进信息获取的权利：诸如互联网、无线网络、移动智能电话、调查取证技术、卫星和航空图像以及分布式遥感等新型技术的出现为推进民主和人权创造了巨大的机会。这些技术已经引发了政治运动，使人们有可能在瞬间就把侵犯人权的行为变成焦点，并为世界各地的言论自由和无限制的沟通提供了渠道。我们支持这些技术的传播和利用，以促进言论自由、方便获取信息、增加政府的透明度和问责制，并反对一切对其使用的限制。我们也会更好地利用这些技术将我们的信息有效地传递给全世界。

Promote Dignity by Meeting Basic Needs

通过满足基本需求提升尊严

The freedom that America stands for includes freedom from want. Basic human rights cannot thrive in places where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they need to survive. The United States has embraced the United Nation’s

Millennium Development Goals and is working with

others in pursuit of the eradication of extreme poverty—efforts that are particularly critical to the future of nations and peoples of Africa. And we will continue to promote the dignity that comes through development efforts such as:

美国所主张的自由包括免于匮乏。最基本的人权不可能在无法获得足够食物、纯净水或赖以生存的药物的地方茁壮成长。美国赞成联合国的千年发展目标，并致力于与其他国家一起消除极端贫困——对非洲国家和人民来说显得更加重要。我们也会继续促进与发展相继而来的尊严，比如：

Pursuing a Comprehensive Global Health Strategy: The United States has a moral and strategic interest in promoting global health. When a child dies of a

preventable disease, it offends our conscience; when a disease goes unchecked, it can endanger our own health; when children are sick, development is stalled. That is why we are continuing to invest in the fight against HIV/AIDS. Through the Global Health Initiative, we will strengthen health systems and invest in interventions to address areas where progress has lagged, including maternal and child health. And we are also pursuing the goal of

reducing the burden of malaria and tuberculosis and seeking the elimination of important neglected tropical diseases.

实施一项全面的全球健康战略：在推进全球健康上，美国有着道义上的和战略上的利益。当一个孩子死于可预防的疾病，我们的良知就会被触犯；当一种疾病得不到控制，它就会危及到我们自己的健康；当孩子柔弱的时候，发展就会停滞不前。这就是为什么我们一直与艾滋病毒和艾滋病斗争的原因。通过全球健康计划，我们会加强卫生系统，并在进展滞后的领域投资，其中包括孕妇和儿童的健康。此外，我们也致力于减少疟疾和结核病带来的负担，并试图根除被忽视的却又很重要的热带疾病。

Promoting Food Security: The United States is working with partners around the world to advance a food security initiative that combats hunger and builds the capacity of countries to feed their people. Instead of simply providing aid for developing countries, we are focusing on new methods and technologies for agricultural development. This is consistent with an approach in which aid is not an end in itself—the purpose of our foreign assistance will be to create the conditions where it is no longer needed. 促进食品安全：美国正在与世界各地的合作伙伴一起推动一项关于食品安全的倡议，旨在战胜饥饿并帮助各国培育能够养活自己

人民的能力。我们不再简单地向发展中国家提供援助，而是将重点放在研究农业发展的新方法和新技术上。援助本身不是目的，我们对外援助的目的是为不需要援助创造条件。

Leading Efforts to Address Humanitarian Crises: Together with the American people and the international

community, we will continue to respond to humanitarian crises to ensure that those in need have the protection and assistance they need. In such circumstances, we are also placing a greater emphasis on fostering long-term recovery. Haiti’s devastating earthquake is only the most recent reminder of the human and material consequences of natural disasters, and a changing climate portends a future in which the United States must be better prepared and resourced to exercise robust leadership to help meet critical humanitarian needs.

带头应对人道主义危机：美国人民将和国际社会一起继续回应人道主义危机，以确保有需要的人能够得到所需要的保护和援助。在这种情况下，我们还将促进长远的复苏视为重点。海地的破坏性地震只是自然灾害向人类和物质的一个预警，不断变化的气候预示着美国必须做好准备，并筹备物资以帮助应对紧急的人道主义需要。

2010美国国家安全战略——第三章提升国家利益（4-1）：国际秩序（1）

International Order

国际秩序

“As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America’s security and to advance our interests. But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world. hat is why America seeks an international system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests diverge; a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed; a system where we hold

ourselves to the same standards that we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all.” “作为美国总统，我将努力不懈地维护美国的安全和推进我们的利益。但是，没有一个国家能够独自应对21世纪的挑战，也没有一个国家能够指挥整个世界。这就是为什么美国选择通过国际组织来让各个国家和平的发展自身的利益，尤其是当这些利益有冲突的时候；这个组织尊重人类的普世权利，并反对这些权利被侵犯；在这一组织中，任何国家都有明确的权利和义务，我们会像要求其他人一样要求我们自己。”

——President Barack Obama, Moscow, Russia, July 7, 2009

——美国总统奥巴马，俄罗斯莫斯科，20xx年7月

7日

The United States will protect its people and advance our prosperity irrespective of the actions of any other nation, but we have an interest in a just and sustainable

international order that can foster collective action to

confront common challenges. This international order will support our efforts to advance security, prosperity, and universal values, but it is also an end that we seek in its own right. Because without such an international order, the forces of instability and disorder will undermine global security. And without effective mechanisms to forge international cooperation, challenges that recognize no borders—such as climate change, pandemic disease, and transnational crime—will persist an potentially spread. 不论其他国家做什么，美国都会保护我们的人民并推进我们的繁荣，但是我们对能够促进集体行动以应对共同挑战的公正而又可持续的国际秩序感兴趣。这种国际秩序有利于我们促进安全、繁荣和普世价值的努力，但这也预示着我们按自己的想法行事的结束。因为，如果没有这样的国际秩序，不稳定和混乱力量就会破

坏全球安全。并且，如果没有促进国际合作的有效机制，像气候变化、流行病和跨国犯罪等没有国界的挑战就会有潜在蔓延的危险。

International institutions—most prominently NATO and the United Nations—have been at the center of our international order since the mid 20th century. Yet, an international architecture that was largely forged in the wake of World War II is buckling under the weight of new threats, making us less able to seize new opportunities. Even though many defining trends of the 21st century affect all nations and peoples, too often, the mutual interests of nations and peoples are ignored in favor of suspicion and self-defeating competition.

20世纪中期以来，国际机构就成为了我们维持国际秩序的中心，尤其是北约和联合国。然而，大部分国际体系都是在二战后期成立起来的，它们应对新威胁、抓住新机遇的能力有所欠缺。虽然许多21世纪的流行趋势影响到所有国家和人民，然而国家和人民的共同利益往往会在怀疑和自我毁灭的竞争中被忽视。 What is needed, therefore, is a realignment of national actions and international institutions with shared interests. And when national interests do collide—or countries prioritize their interests in different ways—those nations

that defy international norms or fail to meet their

sovereign responsibilities will be denied the incentives that come with greater integration and collaboration with the international community.

因此，国家行动和国际机构共同利益的调整就成为了必须。当国家利益有冲突，或各国以不同的方式优先考虑他们的利益的时候，这些无视国际准则或不履行其责任的国家就无法得到更大的一体化和与国际社会合作所带来的利益。

No international order can be supported by international institutions alone. Our mutual interests must be

underpinned by bilateral, multilateral, and global

strategies that address underlying sources of insecurity and build new spheres of cooperation. To that end, strengthening bilateral and multilateral cooperation

cannot be accomplished simply by working inside formal institutions and frameworks. It requires sustained

outreach to foreign governments, political leaderships, and other critical constituencies that must commit the necessary capabilities and resources to enable effective, collective action. And it means building upon our

traditional alliances, while also cultivating partnerships with new centers of influence. Taken together, these

approaches will allow us to foster more effective global cooperation to confront challenges that know no borders and affect every nation.

单靠国际机构的支持是不可能维持国际秩序的。我们的共同利益还得靠双边和多边关系，以及应对不安全的根本因素和建立新的合作领域的全球战略来巩固。为此，加强双边和多边合作不能简单地在正规机构和框架内完成。我们需要不断地将触角延伸到国外政府、政治领导人以及其他重要团体，他们必须具有进行有效的集体行动的能力和资源。这意味着既要建设传统联盟，同时还要和新的具有影响力的国家建立伙伴关系。通过这些努力，我们就可以培养更加有效的全球合作，以应对不分国界且对每一个国家都有影响的挑战。

Ensure Strong Alliances

确保强大的同盟

The foundation of United States, regional, and global security will remain America’s relations with our allies, and our commitment to their security is unshakable. These relationships must be constantly cultivated, not just because they are indispensible for U.S. interests and national security objectives, but because they are

fundamental to our collective security. Alliances are force multipliers: through multinational cooperation and

coordination, the sum of our actions is always greater than if we act alone. We will continue to maintain the capacity to defend our allies against old and new threats. We will also continue to closely consult with our allies as well as newly emerging partners and organizations so that we revitalize and expand our cooperation to achieve common objectives. And we will continue to mutually benefit from the collective security provided by strong alliances.

美国之基以及区域和全球安全仍然连接着美国及其同盟，并且我们对他们的安全承诺仍然不会动摇。这些关系必须得到不断的培养，不只是因为它们是美国利益和国家安全不可或缺的，还因为这是我们共同安全的基础。同盟好比力量倍增器：通过跨国合作和协调，我们集体行动的总和总是比单独行动的力量更大。我们会继续帮助我们的盟友抵御新旧威胁。我们也会继续与我们的盟国以及新兴合作伙伴和组织协商，以振兴和扩大我们的合作，从而实现共同目标。这样，我们就会继续受益于强大的同盟所带来的集体安全。

Although the United States and our allies and partners may sometimes disagree on specific issues, we will act based upon mutual respect and in a manner that

continues to strengthen an international order that benefits all responsible international actors.

虽然美国和我们的盟友及合作伙伴有时可能会在具体的问题上产生分歧，但是我们会在相互尊重的基础上，抱着有利于加强国际秩序的态度采取行动，这样各成员过都可以从中获利。 Strengthening Security Relationships: Our ability to

sustain these alliances, and to build coalitions of support toward common objectives, depends in part on the capabilities of America’s Armed Forces. Similarly, the relationships our Armed Forces have developed with foreign militaries are a critical component of our global engagement and support our collective security.

加强安全关系：我们维持这些同盟并建设实现共同目标同盟的能力，部分取决与美国的军事力量。同样，我军与外军建立的关系是我们全球约定的重要组成部分，同时也支持着我们的共同安全。 We will continue to ensure that we can prevail against a wide range of potential adversaries—to include hostile states and nonstate actors—while broadly shaping the strategic environment using all tools to advance our common security. We will continue to reassure our allies and partners by retaining our ability to bring precise,

sustained, and effective capabilities to bear against a wide

range of military threats and decisively defeat the forces of hostile regional powers. We will work with our allies and partners to enhance the resilience of U.S. forward posture and facilities against potential attacks. Finally, we will strengthen our regional deterrence postures—for example, through phased, adaptive missile defense architectures—in order to make certain that regional adversaries gain no advantages from their acquisition of new, offensive military capabilities.

我们会继续确保我们能够在与一系列的潜在对手的对抗中占上风，包括敌对国家和非政府组织，同时我们对战略环境进行大规模的重塑，以利用一切手段来推动我们的共同安全。我们会保留我们精确、持续和有效打击一系列军事威胁的能力，以及果断地挫败地区敌对势力的能力，以继续恢复我们的同盟和合作伙伴的信心。我们将和我们的盟友和合作伙伴一起，加强美国的军事应变和抵御潜在威胁的能力。最后，我们将加强区域威慑，比如通过自适应导弹防御体系，以确保地区敌对势力不会通过获得新的、攻击性的军事能力而占到任何优势。

European Allies: Our relationship with our European allies remains the cornerstone for U.S. engagement with the world, and a catalyst for international action. We will engage with our allies bilaterally, and pursue close

consultation on a broad range of security and economic issues. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is the pre-eminent security alliance in the world today. With our 27 NATO allies, and the many partners with which NATO cooperates, we will strengthen our collective ability to promote security, deter vital threats, and defend our people. NATO’s new Strategic Concept will provide an opportunity to revitalize and reform the Alliance. We are committed to ensuring that NATO is able to address the full range of 21st century challenges, while serving as a foundation of European security. And we will continue to anchor our commitment in Article V, which is fundamental to our collective security.

欧洲同盟：我们与欧洲盟友的关系依然是美国与世界交往的基石，并且可以促进国际行动。我们将与盟国进行双边合作，在经济和安全事务上进行广泛的密切磋商。北大西洋公约组织（北约组织）是今天世界上首屈一指的安全联盟。北约的27个同盟国以及与北约合作的众多合作伙伴，能够提高北约促进安全、防止重大威胁和保卫我们的人民的能力。北约新战略理念将为联盟的振兴和改革提供机会。我们致力于确保北约能够应对21世纪所面临的各种挑战，同时也将它看作是欧洲安全的基础。我们将继续履行我们在第五条中的承诺，这是我们共同安全的基础。

Building on European aspirations for greater integration, we are committed to partnering with a stronger European Union to advance our shared goals, especially in

promoting democracy and prosperity in Eastern European countries that are still completing their democratic

transition and in responding to pressing issues of mutual concern. We will remain dedicated to advancing stability and democracy in the Balkans and to resolving conflicts in the Caucasus and in Cyprus. We will continue to engage with Turkey on a broad range of mutual goals, especially with regard to pursuit of stability in its region. And we will seek to strengthen existing European institutions so that they are more inclusive and more effective in building confidence, reducing tensions, and protecting freedom. 基于欧洲大一统的愿望，我们致力于同一个更强大的欧盟合作以推动我们共同的目标，特别是促进仍然在向民主国家过渡的东欧各国的民主和繁荣，以及应对我们共同关心的迫切问题。我们将继续致力于推动巴尔干地区的稳定和民主，并解决高加索地区和塞浦路斯地区的冲突。我们将继续与土耳其在一系列共同目标上达成一致，尤其是促进当地的稳定。我们将继续努力强化现有的欧洲机构，使他们可以更加包容、更加有效地建立信心、缓和紧张局势和维护自由。

Asian Allies: Our alliances with Japan, South Korea,

Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand are the bedrock of security in Asia and a foundation of prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. We will continue to deepen and update these alliances to reflect the dynamism of the

region and strategic trends of the 21st century. Japan and South Korea are increasingly important leaders in addressing regional and global issues, as well as in embodying and promoting our common democratic

values. We are modernizing our security relationships with both countries to face evolving 21st century global security challenges and to reflect the principle of equal partnership with the United States and to ensure a

sustainable foundation for the U.S. military presence there. We are working together with our allies to develop a positive security agenda for the region, focused on

regional security, combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, climate change,

international piracy, epidemics, and cybersecurity, while achieving balanced growth and human rights.

亚洲同盟：我们与日本、韩国、澳大利亚、菲律宾和泰国的同盟关系是亚洲安全的基石，也是亚太地区繁荣的基础。我们将继续

深化和这些同盟的合作，以反映此地区的活力和21世纪的战略趋势。在解决地区和国际事务上，日本和韩国的作用越来越重要，这一作用也体现在促进民主和我们共同的价值观上。我们正在促使与这两个国家的关系现代化，以应对21世纪全球所面对的新挑战，同时反映我们合作伙伴关系的平等原则，并确保美国在那里的军事基地的稳固。我们正与盟友一起制定一个积极的该区域的安全议程，重点是区域安全、打击大规模杀伤性武器和恐怖主义、气候变化、国际盗版、流行性疾病、网络安全，同时实现增长的平衡和人权的发展。

In partnership with our allies, the United States is helping to offer a future of security and integration to all Asian nations and to uphold and extend fundamental rights and dignity to all of its people. These alliances have preserved a hard-earned peace and strengthened the bridges of understanding across the Pacific Ocean in the second half of the 20th century, and it is essential to U.S., Asian, and global security that they are as dynamic and effective in the 21st century.

美国正在通过与盟国的伙伴关系，为所有的亚洲国家提供一个安全和统一的未来，并支持所有亚洲人民都可以享有基本的权利和尊严。这些联盟始终保持着来之不易的和平，并建设着20世纪

后半期促进相互理解的横跨太平洋的桥梁，这对美国、亚洲和全球的安全都很重要，因为在21世纪，这里将充满活力。 North America: The strategic partnerships and unique relationships we maintain with Canada and Mexico are critical to U.S. national security and have a direct effect on the security of our homeland. With billions of dollars in trade, shared critical infrastructure, and millions of our citizens moving across our common borders, no two countries are more directly connected to our daily lives. We must change the way we think about our shared borders, in order to secure and expedite the lawful and legitimate low of people and goods while interdicting transnational threat that threaten our open societies.

北美：我们与加拿大和墨西哥维持的战略伙伴关系和独特关系对美国的国家安全至关重要，并且对我们国土的安全有着直接的影响。伴随着数十亿美元的贸易、关键基础设施的共享和我们数百万公民越过我们的共同边界，没有那两个国家能更直接的连接着我们的日常生活。我们必须改变我们对共同边界的看法，使得人员和商品的流动更加安全和合法，同时还可以阻止威胁着我们开放社会的跨国威胁。

Canada is our closest trading partner, a steadfast security ally, and an important partner in regional and global

efforts. Our mutual prosperity is closely interconnected, including through our trade relationship with Mexico through NAFTA. With Canada, our security cooperation includes our defense of North America and our efforts through NATO overseas. And our cooperation is critical to the success of international efforts on issues ranging from international climate negotiations to economic

cooperation through the G-20.

加拿大是我们最亲密的贸易伙伴和坚定的安全同盟，同时也是地区和全球事务上的重要伙伴。我们的共同繁荣相互交织、密切关联，包括我们与墨西哥通过北美自由贸易协定建立的贸易关系。我们与加拿大的安全合作包括保卫北美和北大西洋公约组织的努力。我们的合作对包括从国际气候谈判到20国集团的经济合作等一系列的国际事务都很重要。

With Mexico, in addition to trade cooperation, we are working together to identify and interdict threats at the earliest opportunity, even before they reach North

America. Stability and security in Mexico are indispensable to building a strong economic partnership, fighting the illicit drug and arms trade, and promoting sound immigration policy.

除了与墨西哥的经贸合作，我们正在共同努力以确保尽快的识别并制止威胁，甚至在威胁到达北美之前。建立强大的经济伙伴关系、打击非法毒品和武器贸易以及促进健全的政策都离不开墨西哥的稳定和安全。

Build Cooperation with Other 21st Century Centers of Influence

与其他21世纪有影响国家建立合作关系

The United States is part of a dynamic international environment, in which different nations are exerting

greater influence, and advancing our interests will require expanding spheres of cooperation around the word.

Certain bilateral relationships—such as U.S. relations with China, India, and Russia—will be critical to building broader cooperation on areas of mutual interest. And emerging powers in every region of the world are

increasingly asserting themselves, raising opportunities for partnership for the United States.

美国是充满活力的国际大环境中的一部分，不同的国家都在这个环境中发挥着不同的影响，并且推进我们的利益，需要在世界范围内与这些国家扩大合作的领域。有一些双边关系对在共同关心的领域推动更加广泛的合作具有重要的意义，比如美国与中国、

印度和俄罗斯的关系。同时，世界各个地区的新兴大国正在越来越多地维护自己的权利，这给美国与他们的合作提供了机会。 Asia: Asia’s dramatic economic growth has increased its connection to America’s future prosperity, and its emerging centers of influence make it increasingly

important. We have taken substantial steps to deepen our engagement in the region, through regional organizations, new dialogues, and high-level diplomacy. The United States has deep and enduring ties with the countries of the region, including trade and investment that drive growth and prosperity on both sides of the Pacific, and enhancing these ties is critical to our efforts to advance balanced and sustainable growth and to doubling U.S. exports. We have increasing security cooperation on

issues such as violent extremism and nuclear proliferation. We will work to advance these mutual interests through our alliances, deepen our relationships with emerging powers, and pursue a stronger role in the region’s multilateral architecture, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the Trans-Pacific

Partnership, and the East Asia Summit.

亚洲：亚洲巨大的经济增长与美国未来繁荣的联系越来越紧密，同时他们在重大事务上的影响力使其变得越来越重要。我们已采取很多方式深化我们在该地区的参与力度，比如通过区域组织、新的对话和高层外交。美国与该地区有着深刻而持久的关系，包括促进太平洋两岸增长和繁荣的贸易和投资关系，同时加强这些关系对我们推动平衡和可持续增长以及加倍美国出口的努力有重要的影响。在诸如暴力极端主义和核扩散等安全问题上我们的合作日益增加。我们将努力通过我们的联盟推动这些共同利益，并深化与新兴大国的关系，同时争取在该地区众多的组织中发挥更大的作用，包括东南亚国家联盟（东盟）、亚太经济合作论坛、跨亚太伙伴关系和东亚首脑会议。

We will continue to pursue a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship with China. We welcome a China that takes on a responsible leadership role in working with the United States and the international community to advance priorities like economic recovery, confronting climate change, and nonproliferation. We will monitor China’s military modernization program and prepare accordingly to ensure that U.S. interests and allies, regionally and globally, are not negatively affected. More broadly, we will encourage China to make choices that contribute to peace, security, and prosperity as its

influence rises. We are using our newly established Strategic and Economic Dialogue to address a broader range of issues, and improve communication between our militaries in order to reduce mistrust. We will encourage continued reduction in tension between the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan. We will not agree on every issue, and we will be candid on our human rights concerns and areas where we differ. But disagreements should not prevent cooperation on issues of mutual interest, because a pragmatic and effective relationship between the United States and China is essential to address the major challenges of the 21st century.

我们将继续奉行与中国的积极的、建设的和全面的关系。我们欢迎中国在与美国和国际社会一道应对国际重大问题时扮演负责任的领导大国的地位，包括推动经济复苏、应对气候变化以及履行核不扩散条约。我们会密切关注中国的军事动态，并做好相应的准备以确保美国的利益及其盟国和地区及全球不会受到负面影响。更广泛地说，我们将鼓励中国在其影响力上升的时候选择在促进和平、安全和繁荣上做出贡献。我们正在利用新成立的战略与经济对话来解决一系列问题，并加大两军之间的沟通力度以减少不信任。我们将继续鼓励缓和中国与台湾之间紧张局势。我们不会同意每一个问题，在人权和其他我们之间有差别的地方不

做让步。但分歧不会妨碍我们在共同关心的问题上的合作，并且美国和中国之间务实和有效的关系对应对21世纪的重大挑战起着重大的作用。

The United States and India are building a strategic

partnership that is underpinned by our shared interests, our shared values as the world’s two largest democracies, and close connections among our people. India’s

responsible advancement serves as a positive example for developing nations, and provides an opportunity for increased economic, scientific, environmental, and security partnership. Working together through our Strategic Dialogue and high-level visits, we seek a

broad-based relationship in which India contributes to global counterterrorism efforts, nonproliferation, and helps promote poverty-reduction, education, health, and sustainable agriculture. We value India’s growing leadership on a wide array of global issues, through

groups such as the G-20, and will seek to work with India to promote stability in South Asia and elsewhere in the world.

美国和印度正在建立战略合作伙伴关系，这一关系以我们的共同利益、世界上两个最大的民主国家所共有的价值观以及我们人民

的之间的密切联系为基础。印度负责任的进步为发展中国家做出了积极的榜样，并为日益增加的经济、社会、环境和安全伙伴关系提供了机会。通过我们之间的战略对话和高层互访，我们在更广泛的范围内寻求合作，在这些合作领域，印度对全球反恐和核不扩散做出了贡献，同时还帮助推动减贫、教育、卫生和可持续农业的发展。我们非常重视印度在全球一系列问题上日益增长的地位，并通过诸如20国集团之类的组织寻求与印度的合作，以促进南亚地区和世界其他地方的稳定。

Russia: We seek to build a stable, substantive,

multidimensional relationship with Russia, based on mutual interests. The United States has an interest in a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia that respects international norms. As the two nations possessing the majority of the world’s nuclear weapons, we are working together to advance nonproliferation, both by reducing our nuclear arsenals and by cooperating to ensure that other countries meet their international commitments to reducing the spread of nuclear weapons around the world. We will seek greater partnership with Russia in

confronting violent extremism, especially in Afghanistan. We also will seek new trade and investment arrangements for increasing the prosperity of our peoples. We support

efforts within Russia to promote the rule of law,

accountable government, and universal values. While actively seeking Russia’s cooperation to act as a

responsible partner in Europe and Asia, we will support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Russia’s neighbors.

俄罗斯：我们寻求与俄罗斯建立一个基于相互利益的稳定的、实质性的、多元的关系。一个强大、和平、繁荣并尊重国际规则的俄罗斯符合美国的利益。由于这两个国家拥有世界上绝大多数的核武器，我们正在共同推进世界无核化：既要减少我们的核武器库存，同时也会通过合作，以确保其他国家履行其国际承诺，防止核武器在世界范围内扩散。我们将与俄罗斯在更大程度上寻求对抗暴力极端主义的合作，尤其在阿富汗。我们也将寻求新的贸易和投资协商，以促进我们的繁荣。我们支持俄罗斯在努力促进法治、负责任的政府和普世价值上的努力。在积极寻求与俄罗斯合作，以在欧洲和亚洲扮演负责任的合作伙伴的同时，我们会支持俄罗斯的主权和其邻国的领土完整。

Emerging Centers of Influence: Due to increased

economic growth and political stability, individual nations are increasingly taking on powerful regional and global roles and changing the landscape of international

cooperation. To achieve a just and sustainable order that

advances our shared security and prosperity, we are, therefore, deepening our partnerships with emerging powers and encouraging them to play a greater role in strengthening international norms and advancing shared interests.

新型强国：由于经济的日益增长和政治的日益稳定，个别国家在地区和全球的影响力日益强大，并逐渐改变着国际格局。为了实现推动我们共同安全和繁荣的国际秩序，我们正在逐渐深化与新型强国的伙伴关系，同时鼓励他们在加强国际秩序和促进共同利益方面发挥更大的作用。

The rise of the G-20, for example, as the premier

international economic forum, represents a distinct shift in our global international order toward greater cooperation between traditional major economies and emerging centers of influence. The nations composing the

G-20q/from South Korea to South Africa, Saudi Arabia to Argentina—represent at least 80 percent of global gross national product, making it an influential body on the world stage. Stabilizing our global economy, increasing energy efficiency around the globe, and addressing

chronic hunger in poor countries are only three examples

of the broad global challenges that cannot be solved by a few countries alone.

20国集团——这一最重要的国际经济论坛的兴起，代表着我们的国际秩序正在向传统的经济体与新型国家合作转变。从韩国到南非、从沙特阿拉伯到阿根廷的各个国家组成了20国集团，他们占全球GDP的80%，成为了世界舞台上有影响力的机构。维持全球经济的稳定，增加世界各地能源的利用率和解决贫穷国家的饥饿问题只是不能由少数国家独自解决的全球挑战中的三个。 Indonesia—as the world’s fourth most populous country, a member of the G-20, and a democracy—will become an increasingly important partner on regional and

transnational issues such as climate change,

counterterrorism, maritime security, peacekeeping, and disaster relief. With tolerance, resilience, and

multiculturalism as core values, and a flourishing civil society, Indonesia is uniquely positioned to help address challenges facing the developing world.

作为世界上排名第四的人口大国、20国集团的成员和民主国家，印尼将在区域和跨国事务上成为很重要的合作伙伴，比如气候变化、反恐、海事安全、维持和平以及抢险救灾。宽容、弹性和多元文化为代表的核心价值观，以及繁荣的民间社会，使得印尼能够帮助发展中国家应对面临的挑战。

In the Americas, we are bound by proximity, integrated markets, energy interdependence, a broadly shared

commitment to democracy, and the rule of law. Our deep historical, familial, and cultural ties make our alliances and partnerships critical to U.S. interests. We will work in equal partnership to advance economic and social inclusion, safeguard citizen safety and security, promote clean

energy, and defend universal values of the people of the hemisphere.

在美洲，互联的综合市场、相互依存的能源、对民主做出的共同承诺以及法治将我们连接在了一起。我们深厚的历史、家庭和文化联系，使得我们之间的联盟和伙伴关系对美国的利益至关重要。我们将致力于发展平等合作伙伴关系，以推动经济的发展和社会的包容、保障公民的安全、促进清洁能源的使用，以及维护本半球人民的普遍价值观。

We welcome Brazil’s leadership and seek to move beyond dated North-South divisions to pursue progress on bilateral, hemispheric, and global issues. Brazil’s

macroeconomic success, coupled with its steps to narrow socioeconomic gaps, provide important lessons for countries throughout the Americas and Africa. We will encourage Brazilian efforts against illicit transnational

networks. As guardian of a unique national environmental patrimony and a leader in renewable fuels, Brazil is an important partner in confronting global climate change and promoting energy security. And in the context of the G-20 and the Doha round, we will work with Brazil to ensure that economic development and prosperity is broadly shared.

我们支持西拥有领导地位，并寻求与巴西达成超越南北隔阂的关系，并在双边、美洲和全球事务上取得进展。巴西宏观经济的成功，加上他们缩小经济社会差距的努力，给从美洲到欧洲的各国上了很重要的一课。我们鼓励巴西在打击非法跨国网络上的努力。作为一个独特的国家环境遗产的监护者和可再生燃料的领导者，巴西在面对全球气候变化和促进能源安全上是一个重要的合作伙伴。同时，在20国集团和多哈回合谈判的框架内，我们将与巴西共同努力，确保共享经济的发展和繁荣。

We have an array of enduring interests, longstanding commitments and new opportunities for broadening and deepening relationships in the greater Middle East. This includes maintaining a strong partnership with Israel while supporting Israel’s lasting integration into the region. The U.S. also will continue to develop our key security

relationships in the region with such Arab states as with

Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia and other Gulf

Cooperation Council (GCC) countries—partnerships that enable our militaries and defense systems to work together more effectively.

扩大并深化和大中东地区的关系对我们来说有一系列的持久利益和新的机会，同时也是我们的长期承诺。这包括与以色列保持强有力的伙伴关系，同时支持以色列和该地区的长期融合；美国也将继续与阿拉伯国家（例如埃及、约旦、沙特阿拉伯和其他海湾合作委员会（GCC）国家）发展我们的重要安全伙伴关系，这种伙伴关系可以使我们的军队和国防系统更有效的合作。

We have a strategic interest in ensuring that the social and economic needs and political rights of people in this region, who represent one of the world’s youngest populations, are met. We will continue to press

governments in the region to undertake political reforms and to loosen restrictions on speech, assembly and media. We will maintain our strong support for civil society

groups and those individuals who stand up for universal rights. And we will continue to foster partnerships in areas like education, economic growth, science, and health to help expand opportunity. On a multilateral basis, we seek to advance shared security interests, such as through

NATO’s Istanbul Cooperation Initiative with the GCC, and common interests in promoting governance and

institutional reform through participating in the Forum for the Future and other regional dialogues.

确保这一地区的社会和经济所需以及人民的政治权利符合我们的战略利益，这一地区的人民世界上最年轻的群体之一。我们将继续敦促该地区各国政府进行政治改革并放宽对言论、集会和媒体的限制。我们会大力支持那些主张普世权利的民间社会团体和个人。我们将继续加强在教育、经济、科学、健康等领域的合作伙伴关系，为他们增加机会。在多边合作基础上，我们力求促进共同的安全利益，如通过与海湾合作委员会达成的北约伊斯坦布尔合作倡议，同时通过参与未来合作论坛和其他区域对话促进在管理和机构改革方面的共同利益。

The diversity and complexity of the African continent offer the United States opportunities and challenges. As African states grow their economies and strengthen their democratic institutions and governance, America will

continue to embrace effective partnerships. Our economic, security, and political cooperation will be consultative and encompass global, regional, and national priorities including access to open markets, conflict prevention, global peacekeeping, counterterrorism, and the

protection of vital carbon sinks. The Administration will refocus its priorities on strategic interventions that can promote job creation and economic growth; combat corruption while strengthening good governance and accountability; responsibly improve the capacity of African security and rule of law sectors; and work through diplomatic dialogue to mitigate local and regional

tensions before they become crises. We will also reinforce sustainable stability in key states like Nigeria and Kenya that are essential subregional linchpins.

非洲大陆的多样性和复杂性给美国带来了机遇和挑战。在非洲国家发展经济、加强民主体制和治理的时候，美国将继续和他们保持有效的伙伴关系。我们的经济、安全和政治合作延伸到了全球和区域，同时还延伸到了包括开放市场、预防冲突、维持全球和平、反恐以及重要碳层保护等重要问题上。政府将会把战略干预重点放在能够促进就业和经济发展等事务上；在加强治理和问责的同时打击腐败；改善非洲的安全能力和法制部门的能力；通过外交对话，缓和地区和区域的紧张局势，防止演变成危机。我们还将加强诸如尼日利亚和肯尼亚之类的重要支柱国家的持久稳定。

The United States will work to remain an attractive and influential partner by ensuring that African priorities such

as infrastructure development, improving reliable access to power, and increased trade and investment remain high on our agenda. South Africa’s inclusion in the G-20 should be followed by a growing number of emerging African nations who are charting a course toward improved governance and meaningful development. South Africa’s vibrant democracy, combined with its regional and global leadership roles, is a critical partner. From peacemaking to climate change to capacity-building, South Africa brings unique value and perspective to international initiatives. With its strong, diversified,

wellmanaged economy, it often serves as a springboard to the entire African continent, and we will work to pursue shared interests in Africa’s security, growth, and the development of Africa’s human capital.

美国将致力于通过支持非洲的发展重点（如基础设施建设）、进行值得信赖的参与以及将扩大贸易和投资提上日程等方式成为非洲有吸引力和有影响力的合作伙伴。南非被列入20国集团将为其他准备改善施政方式和加大发展力度的国家绘制一个蓝图。鉴于南非充满活力的民主和其在区域和全球的影响力，他们将成为我们重要的合作伙伴。从应对气候变化到能力建设，南非为国际社会带来了独特的价值和理念。凭借其强大的、多元的和管理

完善的经济体系，南非将会成为非洲大陆发展的跳板，我们会致力于在非洲的安全、增长和人力资本的发展上与非洲达成共识。

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